August 7th, 1914

- In the pre-dawn hours, as Goeben and Breslau continue to sail eastwards, a British squadron of four armoured cruisers under Rear Admiral Ernest Troubridge are moving to intercept.  However, Troubridge is troubled at the scenario playing out.  His force will not be in position to attack Goeben and Breslau until after dawn.  Further, Goeben is faster than his ships, and the main guns of Goeben can shoot farther than his own.  His fear is that his squadron would be unable to close to engage Goeben, the latter using its superior speed to keep the range at where the Goeben can fire but the British armoured cruisers cannot.  Despite outnumbering the German force, at 405am Troubridge, fearing annihilation, orders his squadron to abandon the chase.

At dawn, Goeben and Breslau, unaware of how close they had come to battle, sail eastwards, still followed by the light cruiser Gloucester.  Early this afternoon, Admiral Souchon attempts to shake his pursuer by turning to fight, but Gloucester simply turns as well, remaining outside the range of Goeben's guns.  Souchon orders a return to the prior course, needing to rendezvous with his collier if he is to reach the Dardanelles.  At 440pm, Gloucester, almost out of coal, is forced to give up the chase.  The British now lose track of Goeben and Breslau.

- As with the other self-governing dominions of the British Empire - Canada, Australia, and New Zealand - South Africa was automatically at war with Germany when Great Britain declared war on August 4th.  Today the South African government receives a telegram from London asking whether South African forces could seize key points in neighbouring German South-West Africa.  Prime Minister Louis Botha is supportive of the appeal - the conquest of the German colony offers the prospect of the creation of an empire of its own for South Africa.  But the issue is not clear-cut - when Botha brings the request before his cabinet today, four ministers support him, while four are opposed.  The issue raises to the surface the underlying tension in South African society - the Boer population, which politically dominate the dominion, are not altogether supportive of Britain and its war.  It has only been a dozen years since the Boers were forced to surrender their autonomy at the end of the Second Boer War in 1902.  Further, German South-West Africa has been a haven for die-hard Boer rebels, raising the possibility of Boer fighting Boer in an invasion of the German colony.  Finally, the rhetoric of Britain makes many Boers uncomfortable - Britain declares itself to be fighting on behalf of small nations such as Belgium, which stands in uneasy contrast to British policy towards the very small Boer republics prior to 1902.  Thus there is a genuine fear among ministers in Botha's government that a move to openly support Britain through attacking German South-West Africa might destabilize South Africa itself and lead to a rebellion among those Boers who have never completely reconciled themselves to membership in the British Empire.

- As the rest of the French army continues to assemble, General Joffre orders the VII Corps to undertake an offensive into Alsace with the objective of seizing Mulhouse.  This is separate from the main offensives Joffre is planning to launch under Plan XVII, and is designed both to satisfy the desire of the French public to reclaim the 'lost territories' of Alsace-Lorraine and demonstrate to their allies the readiness of the French army.  Undertaken by two infantry divisions and one infantry brigade, this force crosses the border at 5am and begins the twenty-five kilometre march to Mulhouse.

- At Liège, Ludendorff decides that the brigade he has led inside the ring of forts should assault the town itself.  The German force is able to enter the town unopposed, the Belgian 3rd Division having been withdrawn the previous day.  Ludendorff himself drives up to the old Citadel guarding the centre of the town, strides up to the gates, and demands their surrender.  The Belgian soldiers remaining in the Citadel, instead of shooting Ludendorff for his insolence, surrender.  How much better for the Entente would it have been if they had surrendered only after dispatching Ludendorff first?  Regardless, the Germans now control the town of Liège, but there are still the forts around the town to subdue before 1st and 2nd Armies can fully begin their march through Belgium.

- Lord Kitchener issues his first public appeal for volunteers, calling for 100 000 recruits.  Kitchener intends these volunteers to form the seventy-division British army he envisions will be needed to win a war that will last years, not months.

Volunteers for Kitchener's 'New' Army in London, Aug. 7th, 1914.

August 6th, 1914

- Oskar Potiorek, the military governor of Bosnia, is appointed to command all Austro-Hungarian forces on the Serbian Front.  He has a special incentive to take the war to the Serbs as thoroughly as possible - as governor of Bosnia he had been responsible for the security arrangements for the visit of Archduke Franz Ferdinand on June 28th, and in some quarters has been assigned some of the blame for the assassination.  Potiorek had also aspired to the post of Chief of Staff, but had been passed over on Conrad's appointment.  Thus professional jealousy will also cloud operations against Serbia.

Upon his appointment Potiorek is informed by Conrad that he will only have use of the 2nd Army until August 18th, at which point it was to entrain for the Russian front.  As such, the 2nd Army could only support the operations of Potiorek's other two armies - 5th and 6th - and was not to cross into Serbian territory.  Needless to say, Potiorek is less than pleased with this arrangement.

- General I. G. Zhilinskii, a former Chief of Staff of the Russian Army, is appointed commander of the North-West Front.  Facing the Germans in East Prussia, he has two armies under his authority - 1st Army, under General Paul Rennenkampf, and 2nd Army, under General Alexander Samsonov.  At the direction of Grand Duke Nicholas, Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Army, North-West Front was to launch an invasion of East Prussia as soon as possible, in order to support their French allies by compelling the Germans to move forces from the West to the East.  The coordination of the operations of 1st and 2nd Armies will be hindered, however, by the bitter professional rivalry of Rennenkampf and Samsonov.

- At Liège the Germans have their first success, in large part due to the actions of General Erich Ludendorff, a former operations officer on the General Staff who was now the liasion officer between 2nd Army and Emmich's task force.  When the advance of the 14th Brigade stalled, Ludendorff rode up to ascertain the cause.  Learning that the commander of the 14th Brigade has been killed, Ludendorff assumes command, and directs the brigade to attack into a gap between two of the Belgian forts.  In fierce fighting the brigade breaks through, and by 2pm is on the east bank of the Meuse River overlooking Liège and its citadel.  Ludendorff demanded the surrender of the Belgian commander of the town, but was refused.  In reply, the Zeppelin L-Z drops thirteen bombs on Liège, killing nine civilians - it is the first time a European city has been bombarded from the air.

- Though the Belgian commander is determined to continue resistance, the German advance between two of his forts is worrying - it raises the possibility of each fort being isolated in turn.  He decides to send the Belgian 3rd Division, which had been supporting the defense of the forts, back to the main concentration of the Belgian army to avoid it being surrounded and forced to surrender.

- Three French cavalry divisions are ordered into Belgium to reconnoiter German strength north of the Ardennes Forest.  However, General Joffre has no intention whatsoever of sending a significant French force to aid the Belgians - his focus is solely on the execution of Plan XVII and the offensives into Alsace and Lorraine.  He does not believe that the Germans are committing significant forces to the advance through Belgium, and does not want to dilute his imminent offensives by redirecting divisions northwards.

- A second meeting of the War Council in Britain finally reaches a decision on the deployment of the British Expeditionary Force.  At Kitchener's insistence, instead of the full six infantry divisions of the regular army being sent to France, only four, plus the cavalry division, will depart at once, while the fifth may follow in the near future, but the sixth is to remain home.  It is a precarious balance between those, like General Wilson, who want a full commitment to France, and those, like both Kitchener (training of an expanded army) and Asquith (public order) who have other concerns.  Under pressure from Joffre, the deployment area of the BEF will remain Maubeuge, in line with pre-war planning.  Joffre wants the BEF forward at the extreme left of the Entente line - though the left is not a priority under Plan XVII, it does need to be covered, and the BEF can fulfill that role while the important fighting is done by the French in Alsace and Lorraine.  It is worth noting that Field Marshal Sir John French, Commander of the BEF, preferred it to be deployed either in Belgium directly or Amiens.  With deployment at Maubeuge, French is being required to carry out a strategy he does not agree with.

Departure of the 1/5th Seaforth Highlanders from Wick, Scotland,
Aug. 6th, 1914

- Goeben and Breslau depart Messina this afternoon, sailing southwards.  The British light cruiser Gloucester, watching the southern exit of Messina Strait, observes the two German warships, and falls in behind them.  By nightfall Goeben and Breslau have turned southeastward, and by 11pm it is clear that they are heading not for the French troopships or the Adriatic, but the Aegean.  The British battlecruisers are hopelessly out of position, and Gloucester by herself would be easily sunk by Goeben.  However, there is a British squadron of four old armoured cruisers steaming south of Corfu.  Receiving word of the direction of Goeben and Breslau, they move to intercept.

- China formally declares its neutrality in the war.  In practice this does not mean much - the Great Powers have enclaves and zones of influence in the country, particularly at water's edge, and they will act as they deem necessary in the circumstances.

- The tiny country of Montenegro declares war on Austria-Hungary, in solidarity with its Serbian allies, and places its small army under Serbian control.

August 5th, 1914

- At dawn, Goeben and Breslau arrive at the Italian post of Messina on Sicily in order to replenish their stock of coal.  The Italian authorities, however, emphasizing the neutrality of Italy in the war, inform Admiral Souchon that his ships may remain in harbour for only 24 hours.  As the German sailors desperately shovel coal as quickly as possible, the British light cruiser Gloucester watches the southern exit of the Messina Strait, while the battlecruisers Inflexible and Indefatigable are to the northwest of Sicily, covering the French troop transports.

- General Radomir Putnik, Chief of Staff of the Serbian Army, arrives at his headquarters today.  He had actually been in Budapest when Austria-Hungary issued its declaration of war, but in an act of chivalry he was not detained and was permitted to return to Serbia.  In another remarkable episode, Putnik had with him the only set of keys to open a safe in his office which contained the only copy of Serbia's mobilization plan.  In his absence, his staff had to dynamite open the safe before they could begin to mobilize.

- Austria-Hungary today declares war on Russia.  The delay speaks to the extent to which the war had already bypassed one of its initiators.

- Representatives of twenty-one London commercial banks meet to discuss the economic fallout from the advent of war.  They calculate that they are owed £60 million by firms in Germany and Austria-Hungary, debts that they will be unable to collect.

- In Austria-Hungary, finance ministers and the central bank agree that the country's gold reserves will be allotted solely for state and military use, and that foreign payments will be halted to prevent a currency drain.

- In France, the central bank advances to the government 2.9 billion francs in new notes to finance the war efforts, raising the value of the notes in circulation by almost a third.  With convertability from notes to gold suspended, the central bank can increase the money supply almost at will.

- In Britain, a meeting of the War Council is held to discuss the deployment of the British Expeditionary Force, consisting of all six regular divisions of the British Army.  The members of the Council include civilian ministers and leading figures in the army - among the former is Asquith, Grey, and Churchill, and the latter includes Field Marshal Sir John French, commander of the BEF, and Kitchener in his new role as Secretary of State for War.  The meeting is a shambles.  The official mobilization plan for the BEF is that it is to be deployed to France as soon as possible, assembling at the French fortress of Maubeuge on the Belgian frontier.  As he had no part of developing the mobilization plan, Kitchener feels no responsibility to ensure its implementation.  He argues that Maubeuge is far too forward, risking their early destruction of the Germans move through Belgium in force.  Instead, the BEF should assemble at Amiens, far to the rear.  Other generals are appalled - General Sir Henry Wilson, author and driving force behind the pre-war mobilization plan, and who would become Deputy Chief of Staff of the BEF, felt Amiens would leave the BEF too far away from the fighting to make any difference.  Sir John French, meanwhile, suggests that instead of France the BEF should go to Antwerp in Belgium - if the war is about aiding Belgium, shouldn't the BEF land in Belgium to help directly?  Moreover, there are suggestions, particular from the civilian ministers, that some of the divisions of the BEF be held back, out of fear of German invasion.  Churchill and the Navy says this is preposterous, but the fear remains.

Kitchener also astonishes the Council when he declares that the war will last three years and require the mobilization of millions of soldiers into seventy divisions.  Everyone else, believing the war will be over in months, not years, is flabbergasted.  Here is Kitchener, on his first day in office, declaring that everyone else's perceptions of how the war will play out are completely out-of-touch.  Many, instead, believe Kitchener is the one out-of-touch.  Kitchener is doubtful of sending the BEF to France at all - better to use the trained regulars of the BEF, especially the non-commissioned officers, as a nucleus of a massively-expanded British Army.

The meeting breaks up without agreement.  It is often said that no plan survives contact with the enemy - in this case, the British plan does not survive contact with Kitchener.

- In Belgium General Emmich's brigades launch the first major attack on the four easternmost forts at Liège.  Repeated assaults are broken up, German soldiers mowed down by the fort's machine guns before they could reach the forts themselves.  The fighting is a preview of what the Western Front will become in the years ahead.  By nightfall the Germans have suffered heavy casualties without seizing any of the forts.  Morale among the Germans has been shaken as Emmich orders another assault for the next morning.

- Moltke writes this day that 'Our advance in Belgium is certainly brutal, but we are fighting for our lives and all who get in the way must take the consequences.'  These ominous words reflect how the German army will deal with civilians, especially in Belgium, who are suspected of resisting the German advance.  As German units move into Belgium, they are constantly on the lookout for francs-tireurs - the name given to civilians and partisans who sniped at Prussian soldiers in the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1.  Furthermore, the Germans are outraged that the Belgians dare resist - they know they cannot win, so why not step aside and allow the Germans to move as they please?  The combination of these two attitudes is lethal during the German invasion of Belgium.  Official orders come down from the generals in charge of the advance that all resistance by civilians must be dealt with using the harshest means possible, and soldiers came to see such francs-tireurs around every corner.  There was a deliberate policy to 'frighten' the Belgian population into submission.  Any civilian caught with a firearm was liable for summary execution.  Further, if any village or town was suspected of harbouring civilian resisters, innocent civilians, including women and children, would be executed and the village burnt to the ground, in order to 'make an example' of those who resisted.  In reality, there is no evidence of any widespread resistance by the Belgian population - indeed, the Belgian government had told its people to hand in their guns to the nearest authorities before the Germans arrived.  Already, six hostages has been shot at Warsage and the village of Battice burnt to the ground.  These are merely the first steps of what will come to be known around the world as the 'Rape of Belgium'.

August 4th, 1914

- At 4am, Admiral Sir John Jellicoe receives orders from the Admiralty to take command of the Royal Navy's Grand Fleet as Commander-in-Chief.  The Grand Fleet is the strongest naval force in the world, consisting of dreadnoughts, battlecruisers, and supporting vessels, and is based at Scapa Flow in the Orkneys.  As its commander, Jellicoe's role is the most important in the Royal Navy.  The Grand Fleet is essential to the survival of Great Britain - should its ships be sunk, the Germans would be able to easily blockade the country and, since Britain must import food, force starvation and surrender within weeks.  Thus, as Churchill says of Jellicoe, he is 'the only man on either side who can lose the war in an afternoon.'  Jellicoe is acutely aware of the pressure and responsibilities of his role.  He sees it as his task not to destroy the German navy, but to preserve the Grand Fleet.  The status quo is satisfactory for Britain - merely by existing, the Grand Fleet is able to blockade Germany, as no German ships can possible sail through the Channel or out of the North Sea east of Scapa Flow without interception by the Royal Navy.  Thus Jellicoe does not seek battle with the Germans merely for the sake of battle, as he knows that victory in such a battle will not substantially change the status quo, but defeat can end the war.

- On the Western Front the great armies of France and Germany assemble.  Hundreds of thousands of soldiers, with their equipment and supplies, are brought like clockwork to the designated locations.  The German forces comprise seven armies (8th Army is forming in East Prussia), arranged north (1st Army) to south (7th Army).  It is 1st Army (General Alexander von Kluck) and 2nd Army (General Karl von Bülow) that carries the main burden of executing the Schlieffen Plan.  On the French side five armies assemble, arranged south (1st Army) to north (5th Army).  The first four armies are assigned the primary responsibility for executing Plan XVII, the French war plan, which prescribes an invasion of Germany.  The tiny Belgian army of six divisions assembles just east of Louvain.  For both the Germans and French, it will take several days until the process of mobilization is complete and the armies are ready to begin their advance.  For both countries, the initiation of hostilities will consist of a massive offensive - the Germans through Belgium, and the French through German-held Alsace and Lorraine.  Both also expect the successful execution of their war plans to bring about a rapid end to the war in victory.  Both sides, believing in the superiority of their arms and their cause, believe that none can stand before them, and that their enemies will be swept away.

French and German deployments on the Western Front at the start of the war.

- At 6am, the German ambassador delivers a note to the Belgian government, informing it that due to their rejection of the German proposals, the German army will take all necessary measures, including the use of force.  The Germans remain hopeful that the Belgians will not resist their invasion.  Moltke in Berlin believes that after a token resistance to satisfy honour, the Belgians will stand aside.  This is wishful thinking - nothing would suit the Germans more than for the Belgians not to resist, so that is what they expect will happen.  As with much that occurs in these first days of the war, they are incorrect.

- The first stage of the Schlieffen Plan is the capture and destruction of the large fortifications around the Belgian town of Liège.  Consisting of a dozen forts arranged in a circle around Liège on the Meuse Rivier, they are Belgium's primary defense against invasion from the East, and are widely considered to be near-impregnable.  For the Germans, Liège falls directly in the line of advance of 1st and 2nd Armies.  Due to a decision not to violate the neutrality of the Netherlands, there is no way around Liège, so the forts must be taken.

- The German invasion of Belgium begins just after 8am as German cavalry sweep forward to reconnoiter the Belgian countryside.  Behind them march six brigades under the command of General Otto von Emmich.  This task force has been specially-created to capture Liège as the rest of the German assembles.  Approaching their objective, they realize that the bridges on the Meuse north and south of the town have been blown.  When the Germans attempt to cross, they are surprised to come under heavy and sustained fire from Belgian defenders.  By nightfall a German detachment has succeeded in crossing the Meuse north of the town, but to the south the Germans have been halted, while in the centre the bulk of Emmich's force has closed up to the four easternmost forts.

The Liège forts and the initial German advance, Aug. 4th, 1914.

- The British government awaits confirmation of the German invasion of Belgium before issuing an ultimatum to Germany.  When the news arrived of German forces crossing the border near Liège, the Cabinet meets at 11am, and decide to issue an ultimatum, expiring at midnight Berlin time, requiring Germany to withdraw from Belgium, or Britain would declare war.  At 2pm Prime Minister Asquith makes his way to the House of Commons to announce the ultimatum.  The streets are thronged with bystanders, cheering every minister (and many they mistake for ministers) they see.

- That afternoon the British ambassador delivers the ultimatum to Chancellor Bethmann-Holweg directly.  The Chancellor is indignant at the British for entering the war over what he sees as the trivial matter of Belgian neutrality.  He berates the ambassador, and that all of the horrors of war to ensue will be the fault of the British, and 'all for just a word - "neutrality" - just for a scrap of paper.'  Little does Bethmann-Hollweg suspect that he has given Entente propagandists a coup - the phrase 'scrap of paper' will become infamous, and tar Germany's name around the world.

- In Berlin the deputies of the Reichstag hear an address by the Kaiser, who again emphasizes national solidarity in wartime - 'From this day on I recognize no parties but only Germans!'  At 3pm the deputies reconvene and after a speech by the Chancellor, assigning blame for the war solely on the Entente powers.  Afterwards the Reichstag unanimously approves the package of war credits to finance the war, including a short-term credit of 5 billion marks, the suspension of convertibility of bank notes to gold (to allow greater control over the amount of notes in circulation, as they no longer have to be tied to gold deposits) and the creation of special loan banks for the private sector, freeing the Reichsbank to focus on the financing of the war effort.  At the conclusion of business, the Reichstag votes itself out of session for four months, by which time it is generally expected that the war will be over.

- At a joint session of the Senate and Chamber in Paris this afternoon, an address by President Raymond Poincarè is read (the President is barred by law from appearing before the Chamber).  He concludes:

In the war which is beginning, France will have Right on her side, the eternal power of which cannot with impunity be disregarded by nations any more than by individuals.  She will be heroically defended by all her sons; nothing will break their sacred union before the enemy; today they are joined together as brothers in a common indignation against the aggressor, and in a common patriotic faith.  She is faithfully helped by Russia, her ally ; she is supported by the loyal friendship of Great Britain.  And already from every part of the civilised world sympathy and good wishes are coming to her. For today once again she stands before the universe for Liberty, Justice, and Reason.  Haut les coeurs et vive la France!

Just as elsewhere, the sacred union is a rallying cry for all Frenchmen to set aside the regular divisions of peacetime and join as one to defeat France's enemies.  It is a potent argument in the frenzied atmosphere of the first days of August - now comes the collision of such idealism with the realities of modern warfare.

- As the hours ticked down to the expiry of the British ultimatum to Germany, Prime Minister Asquith appoints Lord Kitchener to the post of Secretary of State for War.  The post had been vacant since March due to the resignation of the prior Secretary over the 'Curragh Mutiny', when some British officers refused orders they perceived would require them to suppress Ulster Unionists in the ongoing Irish crisis.  For the past several days Asquith has acted as Secretary of State for War, but a permanent appointment is obviously desirable.  The selection of Kitchener is a bold choice - he was the first serving officer to sit in the British Cabinet since 1660.  When the decision was made he was about to return to Egypt where he was serving as Consul-General - the order to return to London reaches him aboard a Channel steamer just as it was about to depart for the Continent.  Kitchener had not wanted the appointment - he was contemptuous of both War Office officials and politicians who thought they knew more about military operations than professionals - and the rest of the Cabinet was not enthusiastic about his presence.  What Kitchener brought to the appointment, however, outweighed the disadvantages.  He was arguably Britain's most famous soldier in 1914 - he had a long history of service throughout the Empire, including wars in the Sudan and South Africa.  His appointment lent instant gravitas to the Liberal government, giving it credibility in the management of military affairs that it would not otherwise have had.  It also sets the stage for epic clashes between civilian and military leadership of the war.

The face of Kitchener, with its distinctive moustache,
would be ubiquitous on recruiting posters throughout
Britain.

- In a statement to a private meeting of bankers and businessmen Lloyd George reassures them that it will be 'business as usual' regarding the economy - government intervention will be minimized, so there is no need for panic or hasty withdrawal of funds.  The slogan will become famous as a description of the British approach to the wartime economy in the early stages of the conflict, but right from the start some 'unusual' measures were being taken.  This day also sees the British government taking over the management of the nation's railways, to ensure efficient distribution of war material and food.  Railway owners were only the first to see how 'unusual' the economy could become in wartime.

- In the pre-dawn hours, two warships steam westwards from Sicily, lights out to prevent identification.  They are German - the modern battlecruiser Goeben and the light cruiser Breslau.  Assigned to the Mediterranean since 1912, the two warships comprise the entirety of Germany's naval presence in the area.  This morning they are sailing towards the Algerian coast, hoping to intercept French troopships carrying reinforcements from Algeria to metropolitan France.  At 235 am, the German commander, Rear Admiral Wilhelm Souchon, receives a telegram instructing him to sail to Constantinople, to reinforce the secret German-Ottoman treaty of August 2nd.  Almost at the Algerian coast, he continues westward until he reaches Philippeville, which he then subjected to a token bombardment.  Having made his appearance, he turns back eastwards - he intends to coal at Messina before continuing to Constantinople.

The presence of Souchon's warships is well-known to the Entente.  With the French fleet tied down escorting troopships, it is the Royal Navy that takes on the responsibility of tracking down and sinking Goeben and Breslau.  The British Mediterranean Fleet is superior to the German force, consisting of three battlecruisers, four old armoured cruisers, four modern light cruisers, and a flotilla of destroyers.  Two of the battlecruisers - Indefatigable and Indomitable - sailing westward sight Souchon's force approaching them just after 1030am.  Though war between the two countries now appears inevitable, it has formally not yet begun, so the German and British warships pass each other 8000 yards apart, all at battle stations but without training their guns on the other.  After, the two British battlecruisers swing around and follow Goeben and Breslau as they continue eastward.  The British hope to keep the Germans in sight until war is declared, when they can open fire.  Souchon, of course, wants to escape before this can happen, and he pushes his ships as fast as they can go.  Fortunately for Souchon, their fastest is just a bit faster than the British ships.  By 4pm, Goeben was slipping out of sight in the haze of the horizon.  By 730pm, all that could be seen was smoke in the distance, and by nightfall even that sign had disappeared.  The British ships are forced to call off the chase just before 10pm.  Goeben and Breslau have escaped, and none to soon - the British ultimatum to Germany expires in two hours.

- In the last minutes before the expiry of the ultimatum at 11pm London time, the British Cabinet meets at Downing Street, awaiting expiry or a last-minute telephone call.  Outside a massive crowd can be heard singing 'God Save the King'.  Suddenly the chimes of Big Ben sound, signalling 11pm.  When the last 'Boom!' echoes away, Great Britain is at war with Germany.

Crowds outside Buckingham Palace cheer the declaration of war against Germany.

August 3rd, 1914

- The Belgian Council of Ministers reconvenes at 230am to approve the reply to the German ultimatum, which states that they 'would sacrifice the honor of the nation and betray its duty to Europe' if it accepted the German demands, and declared that they would resist by force any violation of its frontiers.  At 7am, at the precise moment the ultimatum expires, the reply is delivered to the German ambassador.  That day excited crowds gather in Brussels as news of the act of defiance spreads.

The Kaiser makes one last appeal for Belgian neutrality in a personal telegram to King Albert, a distant cousin.  He argues that only the most extreme of circumstances had required the dispatch of the ultimatum, and that Germany continued to have 'the most friendly intentions' towards Belgium.  King Albert is not impressed - 'What does he take me for?" he exclaims.  Orders are given to detonate key bridges on the Belgian-German frontier.

- The Reichstag deputies of the Social Democratic Party (SPD) meet to decide their attitude towards the war.  Prior to the July Crisis, similar to socialists in other countries, the SPD had opposed war and sought to mobilize the working-class to prevent hostilities from commencing.  However, again as with socialists elsewhere, the speed of the July Crisis has overtaken any desire to avoid war.  Crucially, by August 3rd the issue is not war vs. peace, but whether the SPD will vote in favour of war credits in the Reichstag, essential to the mobilization of the German economy.  The SPD can also see this war in socialist terms - in their eyes, the SPD is the strongest socialist party in Europe, and the 'heart' of socialism is under attack by backward hordes from the East.  A vote among SPD deputies finds seventy-eight in favour of war credits to only fourteen against.  The discipline and solidarity of the SPD ensures that all deputies will endorse the majority view - the SPD vote will be unanimous in the Reichstag.

- The Italian government makes public today its declaration of neutrality in the European war, despite its alliance with Germany and Austria-Hungary, on the basis that the alliance is defensive only, and since it has been Austria-Hungary that has initiated hostilities, Italy is not required to intervene.

- This evening the German ambassador to France delivers a declaration of war to Premier Viviani.  It alleges that French airplanes have dropped bombs on German cities, and violated Belgian airspace.  The allegations are nonsense, as Viviani well knows.  Instead, they are meant for domestic consumption in Germany, to justify a declaration of war on a country that had no role to play in the original crisis that started the war.  The Premier denies the charges, and the ambassador departs for the last time.

- Today is a Bank Holiday in Britain, and the crisis brings thousands of people into the streets around Westminster and Trafalgar Square, eager to participate in the historic events.  The German ultimatum has transformed public opinion - whereas a massive anti-war rally had been planned for the capital on Sunday, it never occurs, and by today most in the crowds are calling for war with Germany.  A Cabinet meeting at 11am reflects this shifting opinion.  After much debate and deliberation, the Cabinet agrees that if Germany should invade Belgium and Belgium resist, Britain should declare war on Germany.  There are two further resignations submitted, but there is where the dissension stops.  The middle group of waverers, and especially David Lloyd George, are won over to the position of Grey on intervention.  Overall, the Liberal government has survived the crisis relatively intact - those who did resign were second-rank figures, and the public has swung around to support intervention as well.

At 3pm Grey addresses a full House of Commons on the crisis.  First emphasizing the lengths to which Britain had gone to avoid conflict, he now emphasized that the war was nothing less than an attempt by Germany to secure hegemony over the European continent, and that in line with British policy for centuries, such an attempt must be resisted.  After an hour and fifteen minutes, he sits to general applause.  As Grey later comments to Churchill, the next step will be to issue an ultimatum to Germany to withdraw from Belgium or face war with Britain.  At nightfall, Grey stands at his window in the Foreign Office, looking down at the lamps being lit in St. James' Park.  To a friend beside him, Grey remarks: 'The lamps are going out all over Europe.  We shall not see them lit again in our lifetime.'  Thus ended the age of European dominance, dead by its own hand.

August 2nd, 1914

- In many of the larger cities of Europe, enormous crowds form, in part to celebrate the coming of war (in the belief it will be both short and glorious), in part to learn the latest news, and in part simply to be present at the most important moment of their nation's lives.  In St. Petersburg, crowds gather in the Winter Palace Square, waving flags and portraits of the Tsar.  When Nicholas II appears on the palace balcony, the entire crowd kneels and sings the national anthem.  Images of these crowds are among the most famous of the war, seen as a poignant reminder of the hopes and optimism that many embraced in August 1914, in stark contrast to the horrors to come.  Not everyone, though, shares this war enthusiasm.  These crowds are urban and disproportionately middle-class.  In rural Europe, the coming of war is greeted with much more reserve - through conscription peasants were more familiar with army life than their urban middle-class counterparts, and thus they do not share the latter's romantic and idealist view of war.

A jubilant crowd in Munich on August 2nd, among whom is one
particularly infamous figure.

- In France, the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT), representing the trade union movement in the country, calls on its members to support the government and mobilization.  This is a dramatic about-face for the CGT - it had long embraced revolutionary syndicalism and pacifism, and its stance had long been that if war ever appeared likely a general strike was to be called to ensure the maintenance of peace.  This about-face is a product of several factors.  First, the death of Jaurès has robbed the movement of a key voice at the moment of crisis.  Second, many of the urban working-class prove susceptible to the call of nationalism - forced to choose, most feel greater loyalty to other classes in France than their working-class compatriots in Germany.  Third, the war can be seen in terms favourable to the left - in this light, Imperial Germany is an autocratic and feudal remnant, which the war will sweep away.  Finally, the very speed of the crisis has prevented coordinated action - as late as the 30th, Jaurès himself was suggesting that the crisis would blow over.  Even if the workers had wanted to go on strike to prevent the war, there was hardly time to have organized such a move.

- As part of German mobilization, the first trains, each with fifty-four cars, cross the Hohenzollern Bridge over the Rhine River.  Over the next sixteen days, 2150 such trains are scheduled to use the bridge.

- After the debacle of the 1st, Luxembourg is fully occupied today, the Germans meeting no significant resistance.

- A strange scene at Armstrong's Elswick shipbuilding yard on the Tyne in northern England.  In the yard lies the dreadnought Sultan Osman I, built by Armstrong under contract for the Ottoman Empire. It was one of two dreadnoughts ordered by the Ottomans from British shipyards - the other, Reshadieh, had been completed just weeks earlier, while Sultan Osman I was awaiting the last of its 12-inch guns.  An Ottoman steamer had arrived in England on July 27th, carrying 500 sailors for the voyage to Constantinople.  The two dreadnoughts were to form the backbone of the otherwise-antiquated Ottoman navy.  They had cost the impoverished nation almost £6 million, and had been paid for through extra taxes, donations from villagers, and deductions from the salaries of civil servants.  The two were seen as a point of pride by the Ottoman people, a symbol that their much-battered nation was still a Great Power, despite the recent loss of Libya and most of its Balkan territories.

The ships will never reach Constantinople.  The focus of Churchill and the Admiralty is on the possibility of war with Germany, the latter having the second-largest navy in the world.  In a war at sea, the crucial measurement of strength was the number of dreadnoughts one could deploy.  While the Royal Navy had more than Germany, the margin was not overwhelming, and so Churchill had decided that, in this moment of crisis, Britain needed to confiscate the Ottoman dreadnoughts to add to the British margin of superiority at sea.  Thus the yard sees the odd sight of a detachment of the Sherwood Foresters Regiments, bayonets fixed, boarding Sultan Osman I, in order to prevent the Ottoman sailors from taking possession.  Though Churchill offers compensation, the Ottoman government is both offended and indignant at the British action.

- The seizure of Sultan Osman I and Reshadieh happens the same day that secret negotiations are concluded between the Ottoman Empire and Germany.  Prior to the July crisis, the Ottomans had sought alliances with the Great Powers of Europe, both for defending the tottering empire as well as regaining lost territories in the Balkans.  None had taken the Ottomans up on their offer - the Ottoman Empire had long been described as the 'Sick Man of Europe,' whose decline appeared to be terminal.  Its military was ineffective, its economy backwards, and was reliant on foreign investment for any significant industrial growth.  Their most recent alliance offer, made by Grand Vizier Said Halim and Enver Pasha, had been sent to Germany on July 22nd, one day before the Austro-Hungarian ultimatum was delivered to Serbia.  While previously the Germans had viewed the Ottomans as militarily useless, the prospect of a general European war changed perspectives.  Suddenly, the prospect emerged of using the Ottomans to distract the British and the Russians, drawing some of their forces away from the more vital battlefields in Europe.  Though war with Russia was not the original intent of Enver and the Grand Vizier, they were willing to accept the terms, believing the war would be short, and offered the potential of German aid if other Great Powers attempted to partition the Ottoman Empire.  Thus a secret defensive alliance is signed between Germany and the Ottoman Empire this day.  It does not immediately lead to the Ottomans entering the war, however, for the negotiations have been kept from most of the Ottoman cabinet by Enver, and it would not be easy to convince the others of the necessity of entering the war.  Further, the Ottoman military remained a shambles - it would take months of mobilization before they would be able to threaten their neighbours.  Still, having negotiated the alliance, the Germans are now eager to make the Ottomans co-belligerents.

- At 7pm, the German ambassador to Belgium delivers an ultimatum to the Foreign Office in Brussels.  It had been in the ambassador's safe since its arrival by special courier on July 29th, having been drafted personally by Moltke on the 26th.  The note stated that the Germans had indications the French intended to invade Belgium to attack the German army - obvious misinformation without considering that Moltke must have had a 'premonition' of the 'indications' a week earlier.  It goes on to state that, given the obvious inability of the Belgian army to defend itself, it would be necessary for the German army to move into Belgium to block the French 'advance'.  Emphasis was placed on the benign nature of this intervention, pledging to restore Belgian independence as soon as the war was over.  However, if Belgium resisted, the country would be seen as an enemy, and dealt with militarily.  Finally, a answer was demanded within twelve hours.

The ultimatum was a central component of the Schlieffen Plan, and it was hoped that Belgium would stand aside as the Germans marched through.  Indeed, Moltke could not imagine the tiny army of Belgium offering anything more than token resistance - surely they understood that active resistance meant annihilation.  So much the better if the pesky neutral adopted the proper attitude to Germany.

- There are two Cabinet meetings held in London today to discuss the ongoing crisis.  Grey is finally able to win agreement for a declaration that the Royal Navy will not allow the German fleet to pass into the Channel and bombard French ports unmolested.  Though this is a step towards war, it is still a very small one, and Grey continues to emphasize to the French ambassador that further commitments are not inevitable.  Even this decision comes at the cost of two resignations, and it is apparent that the middle group in Cabinet is still unwilling to go any further in the direction of intervention.  That afternoon a communication from the leaders of the opposition Conservative party emphasize their support for intervention and their willingness to join a coalition government.  This adds a party dimension to the crisis - this is a Liberal government, and ministers do not want to make way for Conservatives who would be even more energetic and aggressive in prosecuting the war.  Thus a desire to keep the Conservatives out is one small addition to the scale in favour of intervention.

That evening, Grey is informed by telegram of the German ultimatum to Belgium.  He immediately meets with Prime Minister Asquith, who agrees to order immediate mobilization of the British army.  An invasion of Belgium might now bring unity to a Liberal government that remains badly divided over the war.  The British government now awaits word of the Belgian response - they can hardly enter the war in defense of Belgian independence if the Belgians themselves are not willing to defend themselves.  Will tiny Belgium stand in the way of the German behemoth?

- At 9pm, the Belgian Council of State convenes, presided over by King Albert.  Discussing the matter for the next three hours, there was no serious consideration given to accepting the German ultimatum.  No faith was placed in the assurance that in victory Germany would evacuate Belgium - it was generally believed that once the Germans were allowed into the country, they would never leave.  Both the King and the ministers also had no illusions regarding the consequences of resistance - the Belgian army was hopelessly overmatched, and at best could hope to slow the German steamroller.  However, as Baron de Bassompierre recorded, 'If we are to be crushed, let us be crushed gloriously.'  The meeting adjourns at midnight to allow the Prime Minister, the Foreign Minister, and the Justice Minister to draft the reply.

August 1st, 1914

- At noon, the German ultimatum to Russia expires without a response.  The response of the German government follows through on the logic of 'mobilization means war', as given in the ultimatum, and instructs its ambassador to call on Foreign Minister Sazonov and deliver a declaration of war.  He does so at 710pm, and after a sharp exchange over honour, the German ambassador breaks down and weeps, his diplomatic efforts at an end.  Sazonov pats the ambassador on the shoulder and helps him on his way.

- Kaiser Wilhelm II signs the order for mobilization of the German army at 5pm, and the decision is made public shortly thereafter.  That afternoon the Kaiser appears at the balcony of the Royal Palace in Berlin, and briefly addresses the assembled crowd:

I thank all of you for the love and loyalty that you have shown me these past days. These were serious days, like seldom before. Should it now come to a battle, then there will be no more political parties. I, too, was attacked by the one or the other party. That was in peace. I forgive you now from the depths of my heart. I no longer recognize any parties or any confessions; today we are all German brothers and only German brothers. If our neighbors want it no other way, if our neighbors do not grant us peace, then I hope to God that our good German sword will see us through to victory in these difficult battles.

It was one of the first expressions of the common sentiment in the first days of the war, that the onset of war had erased all distinctions of class, race, religion, etc.  Each nation, it was believed, was now united by the crucible of war, each singularly devoted to surmounting the great challenge of the age.  How long such unity could last in the face of modern warfare remains to be seen.

Kaiser Wilhelm II speaks from the balcony of the Royal Palace in Berlin, Aug. 1st, 1914.

- At 11am, the German ambassador in Paris arrives at the French Foreign Office, requesting a reply to the German ultimatum of the previous day.  In his anxiety he is two hours early, though he knows the likely outcome of the meeting.  Premier René Viviani replies that 'France will act in accordance with her interests.'  To the ambassador, and indeed to the German government in Berlin, this is a clear statement that France will stand by its Russian ally.

Viviani had left a Cabinet meeting to meet with the German ambassador, and when he returns they decide to approve the formal request from Jospeh Joffre for mobilization of the French army.  At 4pm, mobilization is publicly announced, to begin the following day.

- In London the government remains divided.  In Cabinet Churchill and Grey are the leading advocates for British coming to the aid of the French, but they are faced by a solid phalanx of opponents, while a middle group, among whom was the Chancellor of the Exchequer, David Lloyd George, wavers.  When Churchill requests permission to mobilize the naval reserves, the Cabinet declines.  When Grey asks to implement the secret naval guarantees made to France in peacetime - namely, that the French fleet will concentrate in the Mediterranean while the Royal Navy protects the Channel - four ministers state they would resign rather than approve such a course.  The issue of Belgium comes to the fore - Britain is pledged by a treaty signed in 1839 to defend it.  A German invasion of Belgium might sway the wavers in the Cabinet - it is easier to justify war if it is seen as being on behalf of the small and defenceless, and the navy does not want to see its ports in German hands.  The conversation devolves into a discussion of what constitutes a 'violation' of Belgium neutrality.  Tracing a line on a map, Lloyd George suggests it would only be 'a little violation' if German forces merely cut through the southeast corner of Belgium, as opposed to invading the entirety.  The Cabinet meeting ends with no resignations, and no decisions.  Despite his own preferences, Grey tells the French ambassador that France must make its decision on war or peace without assuming that British aid will be forthcoming.  The French ambassador is despondent - to the editor of the Times, he remarks whether the word 'honour' has been striken from the English dictionary.

That evening Churchill is at the Admiralty, entertaining friends among the Opposition.  As they play cards, a message arrives that Germany has declared war on Russia.  He immediately leaves the Admiralty and crosses Horse Guards Parade to Downing Street, where he finds Prime Minister Asquith with Grey, the Lord Chancellor, and the Secretary of State for India.  Churchill told them he intended to order mobilization of the naval reserves, despite the Cabinet's decision of that afternoon.  Asquith says nothing, which Churchill takes as silent consent, and he departs to issue the orders.

- A day of dramatic developments conclude in Berlin.  Shortly after 5pm, a telegram arrives in Berlin from the German ambassador in London, reporting a conversation with Sir Edward Grey in which the latter pledged to guarantee the neutrality of France in a Russo-German war if Germany refrained from attacking France.  The statement is as a lifeline to a drowning man for the Kaiser.  He is desperate to avoid a two-front war, and the offer of Grey suggests that the war can be confined to the East, where German strength ought to overwhelm Russian numbers.  Moltke, the signed order for mobilization in hand, has left the palace in Potsdam, driving back to General Staff Headquarters in Berlin.  An aide to the Kaiser is instructed to race after Moltke, insisting on his return.  When Moltke arrives back at the palace, the Kaiser informs him of the offer from Grey, and states: 'Now we can go to war against Russia only.  We simply march the whole of our army to the East.'

Moltke could hardly have been more startled if the Kaiser had sprouted wings and flew out of the palace.  The German army in 1914 has exactly one war plan: the Schlieffen Plan.  Designed to ensure victory against the Franco-Russian alliance, it was created by General Alfred von Schlieffen, Chief of Staff of the German Army from 1891 to 1905.  Schlieffen, who died in 1913, had sought a way to avoid a prolonged war of attrition on two fronts, which Germany was likely to lose.  His solution rested on the nature of his enemies.  France was compact, like Germany, and could be expected to mobilize rapidly on the outbreak of war.  Russia was a vast landscape, and with fewer railroads it was expected that it would take them much longer to mobilize.  Schlieffen perceived that this Russian delay created a window of opportunity, in which Germany could attack France before Russia was prepared to invade from the East.  Thus the imperative was to force the surrender of France before Russia could attack.  Schlieffen understand that a frontal assault along the Franco-German border was unlikely to produce a decisive result, given the rough terrain and the numerous French fortifications.  The solution was as simple and elegant as it was profound - go around them.  Instead, of attack France directly, the bulk of the German army would be sent through Belgium, where little resistance was expected, and descend on France from the north.  As most of the French armies would be on the Franco-German frontier, there would be practically nothing stopped the German army from sweeping through France from the north and delivering the knockout blow.  The expectation was that Paris would fall and the decisive battle defeating the French army would occur within forty days of German mobilization.  Indeed, forty days was the time limit, as afterwards the Russians would be sufficiently prepared to invade Germany, and if the bulk of the German army was still in France, there would be little stopping the Russians from sweeping through eastern Germany to the gates of Berlin.  The plan was immensely intricate, with each German corps assigned particular roads for the march through Belgium into France.  A precise timeline required the strictest adherence in order to ensure victory within the forty day limit.  It was an immense gamble, one of the greatest in military history.  Success, and Germany would crush its enemies and ensure its dominance of Europe.  Failure, and Germany faced ruin and defeat.

The planned march of the German armies under the Schlieffen Plan.

These were the stakes when Moltke was confronted with the Kaiser's suggestion to only attack Russia.  Not only was it the German plan for war, it was the only plan for war.  While the General Staff had maintained a plan for a war against Russia only, they had stopped updating it in April 1913 and had discarded it entirely.  Thus for Moltke, the only way Germany can fight a war is to attack France first.  It didn't matter that France had nothing to do with the original dispute - the plan said to attack France, so France would be attacked.  To do anything else is simply impossible - Moltke has visions of the entire strategy for the war collapsing to pieces, units separated from each other, massive confusion on the railways, supplies delivered to the wrong places.  He begs the Kaiser to change his mind.  To change the plan for war at the last minute cannot be done - the schedules are too precise to allow for any deviation.  He argues, 'If Your Majesty insists on leading the whole army to the East it will not be an army ready for battle but a disorganized mob.'

The Kaiser is not used to hearing 'no'.  In reproach he tells Moltke bitterly 'Your uncle would have given me a different answer.'  The criticism shatters Moltke's confidence - he has lived his entire life in his uncle's shadow, and at the supreme moment of his career he is told he does not measure up.  He returns to the General Staff Headquarters and bursts into tears.

The first stage of the Schlieffen Plan is to seize tiny Luxembourg, whose railways would be essential to the invasions.  A detachment of the 16th Division is assigned to cross the border at 7pm.  The Kaiser personally sends the order to halt the move, still hoping to avoid war with France at the last moment.  The result is a farce.  One German column does not receive the order in time, and as per its instructions seizes the town of Ulflingen with its key railway connections at 7pm.  Thirty minutes later, another detachment arrives by automobile, instructing the first column to return to Germany.  Thus the first German invasion of the war ends in an attempt to pretend the whole thing was a mistake and never happened.  The Luxembourgers are not fooled - the Minister of State promptly informs the British and French of the invasion.

Later that evening, another telegram arrives from the German ambassador in London, stating that he had misunderstood the earlier conversation with Grey and that no offer of French neutrality was on the table.  The straw the Kaiser had clutched at disappears from his hand.  At 11pm Moltke is instructed to return to the palace.  The Kaiser greets his Chief of Staff with a military overcoat over his nightshirt, states bitterly, 'Now you can do what you like', and promptly returns to bed.  Moltke returns to General Staff Headquarters, to resume the implementation of the Schlieffen Plan, beginning with an order for the 're-invasion' of Luxembourg at midnight.  Germany thus enters the war with commander of its armed forces, the man tasked to ensure victory by the precise implementation of the only war plan Germany has, having had his self-confidence thoroughly crushed.