- South of Plava, just after dark a counterattack by the Austro-Hungarian 18th Division retakes another portion of the ground at Zagora lost yesterday morning. To the south, heavy Italian attacks once again are directed to the heights at Podgora just west of Görz, and after several attempts Italian infantry reach the first Austro-Hungarian trench line, rendered unrecognizable by artillery fire. Into the evening, Italian and Austro-Hungarian infantry engage in desperate combat in the ruined landscape between what once was the first and second trench lines. After dark, an Austro-Hungarian counterattack by two battalions rushed forward from the divisional reserve manages to regain much of the lost ground. The 11th Italian Division, meanwhile, is able to push into Oslavija, seizing the enemy trenches anchored by the village church. On 3rd Army's portion of the line, heavy artillery fire begins at 7am and continues into the late afternoon, after which infantry attacks break to the positions of the Austro-Hungarian 17th Division in three places south of St. Martino. General Elder von Gelb, the divisional commander, assembles the last available reserves - the remnants of 33rd and 111st Landsturm Brigades - and prevent further Italian advances here. On either flank, Italian assaults were unable to make any headway.
- Speaking in the House of Commons, Prime Minister Asquith praises the British advance in Mesopotamia by stating that 'I do not think that in the whole war there has been a series of operations more carefully contrived, more brilliantly conducted, and with a better prospect of final success.' However true this may have been of the campaign to date, the reality is that it is about to go badly off the rails.
- Colonel Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck, commander of German forces in the colony of German East Africa, receives a message from Berlin, originally dispatched in May, reporting revolution in Sudan. Given the British commitment to Europe and the likelihood of defeat at Gallipoli, this information reinforces Lettow-Vorbeck's belief that the forces under his command are at least the equal of those in British East Africa to the north. As such, planning begins for a major offensive aimed at Mombasa. Lettow-Vorbeck's objective at this stage of the war is not simply survival, but victory, to crush enemy forces in British East Africa in a decisive battle.
Showing posts with label Asquith. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Asquith. Show all posts
Monday, November 02, 2015
Monday, May 25, 2015
May 25th, 1915
- The formation of the new coalition government in Britain is completed, and the new cabinet formally takes office today. Prime Minister Asquith retains office as Prime Minister, as there was never any serious discussion of replacing him at present, as no Liberal at this moment has the stature to supplant him. Furtjer, Conservative leader Andrew Bonar Law understands that the alternative to a Liberal-led coalition is not a Conservative-led coalition but a Conservative minority government which would be opposed by a partisan Liberal party that would block Conservative efforts to fight the war as they saw fight (i.e. such as on conscription). Even though the Liberals and Conservatives have roughly the same number of MPs in the House of Commons, the Liberals also retain a majority of places in the cabinet and many of the key offices; Lloyd George in particular has worked in negotiations to limit Conservative ministers, and has succeeded in convincing Bonar Law to accept the relatively junior office of Colonial Secretary. Nevertheless, there is no doubt that this is no longer a purely Liberal government, as Liberal ministers now find themselves sitting at the same time as such objects of long-time partisan hatred as Edward Carson. In addition, the Labour party has joined the coalition, and for the first time in its history a Labour MP - its leader, Arthur Henderson - has a seat at the cabinet table (as President of the Board of Education). Of the major parties only the Irish Nationalists are absent; though offered a place, and though the party leadership was tempted, they declined as it would mean serving alongside the hated Ulster Unionists.
Two particular changes warrant mention. First, the press campaign against Lord Kitchener launched by The Times on May 14th has backfired spectacularly, as the public, oblivious to the administrative bumbling of the War Office, still see the Secretary of War as the great imperial hero. As a result, removing Kitchener from office is not politically viable. Instead, though he is left in office, Kitchener's powers are reduced by transferring responsibility for munitions production to a separate Ministery of Munitions. Lloyd George becomes Minister of Munitions, and though giving up the Chancellorship of the Exchequer to do so would normally be seen as a demotion, he well understands that in wartime public focus is on the performance of the war ministries, and that if he can fix the 'shells crisis' he will become the man of the hour.
Second, today confirms Churchill's demotion from the Admiralty. His replacement is Arthur Balfour, a senior Conservative (and ex-Prime Minister) whose steady and urbane personality is the absolute opposite of Churchill's, which is precisely the point. No one would ever fear Balfour racing off to take up the defence of a threatened city, as Churchill did at Antwerp. This morning Churchill cleans out his desk at the Admiralty building. He is in the grib of severe depression, feeling that his political career is at an end. At this moment he is visited by Kitchener, who commiserates with Churchill, and as it gets up to leave he remarks to his former colleague: 'Well, there is one thing at any rate they cannot take from you. The Fleet was ready.' Kitchener, in his typical imperious manner, is exactly right: whatever other failings Churchill may have demonstrated while First Lord of Admiralty from 1911 to today, it is indisputable that the Royal Navy was prepared for war when it came last August. Moreover, of course, Churchill's hour is yet to come.
- As the French 10th Army inches forward in Artois, General d'Urbal has decided to launch an attack by XXI, XXXIII, and IX Corps simultaneously against several points. After twenty-four hours' artillery bombardment, the infantry advance at midday, but fail to gain any significant ground.
- North of Przemysl the German advance continues today. A Russian bridgehead west of the San held by XXI Corps at Zagrody is eliminated this afternoon, while to the north the German Guard Corps occupies Laszki. The speed of the German advance is slower today; though Russian resistance continues, the crucial factor is that the farther east 11th Army goes, the more exposed its northern flank potentially becomes. As a result, Guard Corps in particular finds itself shedding battalions as it advances to cover the line of the Lubaczowka River.
- Twelve days after the British pre-dreadnought Goliath was torpedoed by the Ottoman destroyer Muavenet, an even greater menance makes itself felt off the Dardanelles. After weeks at sea and refuelling at Cattaro, the German submarine U21 enters action, torpedoing the British pre-dreadnought Triumph as it lay off Anzac Beach. As it began to sink, a destroyer comes alongside and hundreds of sailors step from the stern of Triumph onto the deck of the smaller ship. After twenty minutes the pre-dreadnought sinks, and fifty-three men drown. The loss of the warship is bad enough, but the psychological impact is worse, as the sinking occurs in broad daylight in full view of both sides. The Ottoman soldiers in their trenches cheer madly, their cries echoing down the hills into the Entente trenches, where British, French, and ANZAC infantry can only look on in shock. Admiral de Robeck responds by immediately orders all of his large warships back to Mudros, which could hardly have had a positive impact on morale for the army still trapped in the Gallipoli beachheads.
- The diplomatic agreement between Japan and China, reflecting the latter's acceptance of the Twenty-One Demands. As a result of the treaty, Japan's hold on southern Manchuria and eastern Inner Mongolia is enhanced, Japan receives Germany's economic rights in Shantung while the leasehold is to be settled after the war, the Japanese-controlled Hanyehping Company is established, and China pledges to lease no other power territory at Fukien, opposite Japanese-owned Taiwan.
Two particular changes warrant mention. First, the press campaign against Lord Kitchener launched by The Times on May 14th has backfired spectacularly, as the public, oblivious to the administrative bumbling of the War Office, still see the Secretary of War as the great imperial hero. As a result, removing Kitchener from office is not politically viable. Instead, though he is left in office, Kitchener's powers are reduced by transferring responsibility for munitions production to a separate Ministery of Munitions. Lloyd George becomes Minister of Munitions, and though giving up the Chancellorship of the Exchequer to do so would normally be seen as a demotion, he well understands that in wartime public focus is on the performance of the war ministries, and that if he can fix the 'shells crisis' he will become the man of the hour.
Second, today confirms Churchill's demotion from the Admiralty. His replacement is Arthur Balfour, a senior Conservative (and ex-Prime Minister) whose steady and urbane personality is the absolute opposite of Churchill's, which is precisely the point. No one would ever fear Balfour racing off to take up the defence of a threatened city, as Churchill did at Antwerp. This morning Churchill cleans out his desk at the Admiralty building. He is in the grib of severe depression, feeling that his political career is at an end. At this moment he is visited by Kitchener, who commiserates with Churchill, and as it gets up to leave he remarks to his former colleague: 'Well, there is one thing at any rate they cannot take from you. The Fleet was ready.' Kitchener, in his typical imperious manner, is exactly right: whatever other failings Churchill may have demonstrated while First Lord of Admiralty from 1911 to today, it is indisputable that the Royal Navy was prepared for war when it came last August. Moreover, of course, Churchill's hour is yet to come.
- As the French 10th Army inches forward in Artois, General d'Urbal has decided to launch an attack by XXI, XXXIII, and IX Corps simultaneously against several points. After twenty-four hours' artillery bombardment, the infantry advance at midday, but fail to gain any significant ground.
- North of Przemysl the German advance continues today. A Russian bridgehead west of the San held by XXI Corps at Zagrody is eliminated this afternoon, while to the north the German Guard Corps occupies Laszki. The speed of the German advance is slower today; though Russian resistance continues, the crucial factor is that the farther east 11th Army goes, the more exposed its northern flank potentially becomes. As a result, Guard Corps in particular finds itself shedding battalions as it advances to cover the line of the Lubaczowka River.
- Twelve days after the British pre-dreadnought Goliath was torpedoed by the Ottoman destroyer Muavenet, an even greater menance makes itself felt off the Dardanelles. After weeks at sea and refuelling at Cattaro, the German submarine U21 enters action, torpedoing the British pre-dreadnought Triumph as it lay off Anzac Beach. As it began to sink, a destroyer comes alongside and hundreds of sailors step from the stern of Triumph onto the deck of the smaller ship. After twenty minutes the pre-dreadnought sinks, and fifty-three men drown. The loss of the warship is bad enough, but the psychological impact is worse, as the sinking occurs in broad daylight in full view of both sides. The Ottoman soldiers in their trenches cheer madly, their cries echoing down the hills into the Entente trenches, where British, French, and ANZAC infantry can only look on in shock. Admiral de Robeck responds by immediately orders all of his large warships back to Mudros, which could hardly have had a positive impact on morale for the army still trapped in the Gallipoli beachheads.
- The diplomatic agreement between Japan and China, reflecting the latter's acceptance of the Twenty-One Demands. As a result of the treaty, Japan's hold on southern Manchuria and eastern Inner Mongolia is enhanced, Japan receives Germany's economic rights in Shantung while the leasehold is to be settled after the war, the Japanese-controlled Hanyehping Company is established, and China pledges to lease no other power territory at Fukien, opposite Japanese-owned Taiwan.
Friday, May 22, 2015
May 22nd, 1915
- For the past several days, Churchill has been bombarding Asquith with letters begging to remain as First Lord of the Admiralty, using every rhetorical device in his considerable arsenal. It is to no avail, for the price of coalition is Churchill's scalp. Today Churchill meets with the Prime Minister, and the latter confirms his dismissal. As inadequate compensation, Asquith offers the ministerial post of Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster. The most junior Cabinet position, and with no practical responsibilities, it is most often given to those without talent for anything more or to ease an elderly colleague into retirement. It is far beneath Churchill's abilities, but as it is better than nothing and Asquith also promises a seat at the War Council, Churchill accepts.
As Churchill has his interview with Asquith, Admiral Fisher realizes that his hope to return to office with his powers greatly enhanced is nothing but a pipe dream. He finally departs London by train, heading north to Scotland, and during a stopover at Crewe receives a letter from Asquith formally accepting his resignation as First Sea Lord. The stormy relationship between the elderly admiral and the young politician ends in mutual destruction.
- At 830pm the German 15th Division at Neuville in Artois launches attacks the French line, hoping to disrupt the ongoing French offensive. However, the preliminary artillery bombardment had been largely unsuccessful; in particular, poor weather prevented the assigned trench mortar battalion from accurately hitting its targets. As a result, the German infantry are unable to penetrate the French trenches.
The failure of today's bombardment, however, masks the growing concentration of German artillery behind the line: over the past two weeks, the number of heavy guns in Artois have doubled. The Germans have also been prodigious in their use, having fired over six hundred thousand shells in the first ten days of the French offensive. Despite this expenditure, OHL has been able to maintain a steady supply of munitions to the front, such that the German batteries are not hampered by a shortage.
- The Italian cabinet approves a mobilization order for the army, and it is published immediately. In practice, however, the Italian army has been slowly mobilizing for over two months; indeed, since before the Treaty of London had even been signed, indicating the extent to which Prime Minister Salandra and Foreign Minister Sonnino had always intended to have Italy join the Entente come what may.
Meanwhile, Foreign Minister Sonnino wires the declaration of war against Austria-Hungary to the Italian ambassador at Vienna, with instructions to deliver it tomorrow. However, through wiretapping and codebreaking the Austro-Hungarian government is able to identify the specific telegram containing the actual declaration of war, and are able to delay its delivery.
As Churchill has his interview with Asquith, Admiral Fisher realizes that his hope to return to office with his powers greatly enhanced is nothing but a pipe dream. He finally departs London by train, heading north to Scotland, and during a stopover at Crewe receives a letter from Asquith formally accepting his resignation as First Sea Lord. The stormy relationship between the elderly admiral and the young politician ends in mutual destruction.
- At 830pm the German 15th Division at Neuville in Artois launches attacks the French line, hoping to disrupt the ongoing French offensive. However, the preliminary artillery bombardment had been largely unsuccessful; in particular, poor weather prevented the assigned trench mortar battalion from accurately hitting its targets. As a result, the German infantry are unable to penetrate the French trenches.
The failure of today's bombardment, however, masks the growing concentration of German artillery behind the line: over the past two weeks, the number of heavy guns in Artois have doubled. The Germans have also been prodigious in their use, having fired over six hundred thousand shells in the first ten days of the French offensive. Despite this expenditure, OHL has been able to maintain a steady supply of munitions to the front, such that the German batteries are not hampered by a shortage.
- The Italian cabinet approves a mobilization order for the army, and it is published immediately. In practice, however, the Italian army has been slowly mobilizing for over two months; indeed, since before the Treaty of London had even been signed, indicating the extent to which Prime Minister Salandra and Foreign Minister Sonnino had always intended to have Italy join the Entente come what may.
Meanwhile, Foreign Minister Sonnino wires the declaration of war against Austria-Hungary to the Italian ambassador at Vienna, with instructions to deliver it tomorrow. However, through wiretapping and codebreaking the Austro-Hungarian government is able to identify the specific telegram containing the actual declaration of war, and are able to delay its delivery.
Tuesday, May 19, 2015
May 19th, 1915
- Continuing his desperate bid to remain First Lord of the Admiralty, Churchill contacts Fisher through an intermediary and offers to meet whatever demands the latter has for rescinding his resignation. Fisher's response is to forward the letter to Bonar Law, having added his own note: 'I rejected the 30 pieces of silver to betray my country.' Churchill also writes Bonar Law directly today, forwarding documents that he argues prove his tenure as First Lord has been a success and should be continued. The Conservative leader's reply is that Churchill's removal from office is 'inevitable.'
Fisher, meanwhile, believes that with Churchill doomed his hour has come, and gives full vent to his megalomania in a letter to Asquith laying out the conditions under which he would remain as First Sea Lord: Churchill must be excluded from the cabinet and the First Lord limited to parliamentary matters, while he would have unlimited and sole authority over the disposition of warships, the appointment of officers, and decisions regarding naval instruction. It hardly needs saying that Asquith declines Fisher's 'offer'. Indeed, as Fisher has not yet had his resignation accepted by the Prime Minister (pending a decision on his replacement), Fisher has for all practical purposes abandoned his post for the past four days, and his actions have won him no friends. Arthur Balfour, a former Conservative Prime Minister, writes that Fisher 'is really a little mad,' while Asquith himself confides to Maurice Hankey 'that Fisher, strictly speaking, ought to be shot for leaving his post.'
- With the pressure of the Russian 4th Army now being brought to bear on the south wing of Woyrsch's army group in central Poland, the Russians opposite the Austro-Hungarian 25th Division disengages this afternoon and pull back towards Iwaniska. The gap between 1st Army and Woyrsch's army group is also covered today when the Austro-Hungarian 84th Regiment makes contact with German Landwehr under the command of General Anatol von Bredow.
- By dawn this morning the Russian counterattack by the Combined Corps against the southeastern face of the German bridgehead across the San River has completely collapsed, and diversionary attacks elsewhere against the German 11th Army have similarly failed to make any progress. The losses of the past two and a half weeks of both men and material have practically eliminated the offensive capability of the Russian formations opposing 11th Army - it is reported today that some of the Russian infantry attacking the German XXXXI Reserve Corps are armed with only grenades or even clubs.
Meanwhile, on the northeastern face of the German bridgehead the advance of the German X Corps creates a gap between the Russian XXIV and III Caucasian Corps. Fearing a German breakout, General Dimitriev of the Russian 3rd Army orders several cavalry divisions into the gap, but also requests permission from General Ivanov of South-West Front for a further withdrawal. This request is denied.
Fisher, meanwhile, believes that with Churchill doomed his hour has come, and gives full vent to his megalomania in a letter to Asquith laying out the conditions under which he would remain as First Sea Lord: Churchill must be excluded from the cabinet and the First Lord limited to parliamentary matters, while he would have unlimited and sole authority over the disposition of warships, the appointment of officers, and decisions regarding naval instruction. It hardly needs saying that Asquith declines Fisher's 'offer'. Indeed, as Fisher has not yet had his resignation accepted by the Prime Minister (pending a decision on his replacement), Fisher has for all practical purposes abandoned his post for the past four days, and his actions have won him no friends. Arthur Balfour, a former Conservative Prime Minister, writes that Fisher 'is really a little mad,' while Asquith himself confides to Maurice Hankey 'that Fisher, strictly speaking, ought to be shot for leaving his post.'
- With the pressure of the Russian 4th Army now being brought to bear on the south wing of Woyrsch's army group in central Poland, the Russians opposite the Austro-Hungarian 25th Division disengages this afternoon and pull back towards Iwaniska. The gap between 1st Army and Woyrsch's army group is also covered today when the Austro-Hungarian 84th Regiment makes contact with German Landwehr under the command of General Anatol von Bredow.
- By dawn this morning the Russian counterattack by the Combined Corps against the southeastern face of the German bridgehead across the San River has completely collapsed, and diversionary attacks elsewhere against the German 11th Army have similarly failed to make any progress. The losses of the past two and a half weeks of both men and material have practically eliminated the offensive capability of the Russian formations opposing 11th Army - it is reported today that some of the Russian infantry attacking the German XXXXI Reserve Corps are armed with only grenades or even clubs.
Meanwhile, on the northeastern face of the German bridgehead the advance of the German X Corps creates a gap between the Russian XXIV and III Caucasian Corps. Fearing a German breakout, General Dimitriev of the Russian 3rd Army orders several cavalry divisions into the gap, but also requests permission from General Ivanov of South-West Front for a further withdrawal. This request is denied.
Sunday, May 17, 2015
May 17th, 1915
- This morning a letter reaches Andrew Bonar Law, the Canadian-born leader of the British Conservative Party, from Admiral Fisher, in which the latter announces his resignation as First Sea Lord. In his typical manner, Fisher holds nothing back: 'W.C. MUST god at all costs! AT ONCE . . . because a very great disaster is very near us in the Dardanelles . . . W.C. is a bigger danger than the Germans by a long way.'
Even without the hyperbole, Bonar Law recognizes the significance of this information. For the past three days he has been struggling to maintain control of his backbenchers, the latter enraged over the report of the 14th in The Times regarding a shortage of shells during the Battle of Aubers Ridge. Bonar Law wants to maintain the electoral truce, but he may not be able to control his own party. With this morning's letter he realizes that the resignation of Fisher will be the final straw for many Conservative MPs, who have long despised Churchill for abandoning the party in 1904 over Tariff Reform. Further, in their eyes Churchill's a administration of the Admiralty in wartime has been a failure: not only has there not been a decisive victory over the High Seas Fleet, but the Antwerp diversion was a debacle and the Dardanelles operation appears to be going nowhere.
After receiving Fisher's letter Bonar Law calls on Lloyd George and asks for confirmation of Fisher's resignation. When Lloyd George provides this, Bonar Law replies that 'the situation is impossible.' Lloyd George agrees, and the pair visit 10 Downing Street where they inform Asquith of the situation. The Prime Minister recoils at the prospect of heated parliamentary debates and denunciations of the management of the war. Further, the Liberal government is a minority, and the possibility exists that it might not survive under effective Conservative criticism. Lloyd George recommends the formation of a coalition government between the parties, in order to head off opposition in the House of Commons. Asquith does not hesitate in accepting this, his willingness to fight for his government perhaps fatally undermined by the news of the 14th regarding Venetia Stanley. It is certainly the case that Asquith never seriously appears to have contemplated fighting the Conservatives, and is perfectly willing to jettison Liberal colleagues to find cabinet places for Conservatives. Most prominent of Bonar Law's conditions for a coalition government is that Churchill must be removed as First Lord of the Admiralty. Neither Asquith nor Lloyd George flinch at the prospect of dismissing their colleague, perhaps realizing it may be the price of keeping their own positions.
Churchill, for his part, has no idea what has transpired when he arrives at 10 Downing Street later this morning to report that he has a new First Sea Lord and is ready to defend his record in the House of Commons. Asquith instead replies that there will be no debate in the House; instead, a coalition government will be formed and, turning to Churchill, asks 'what are we to do with you?' It is at this moment that Churchill realizes that his time at the Admiralty may be at an end. Later this evening, after digesting the news, Churchill writes to Asquith that he would only accept office in the new government if it is directly related to the war effort; otherwise, he would prefer to take up a command in France.
- Overnight the German zeppelin LZ39 was intercepted by several aircraft of the Royal Naval Air Service. They attack the airship by dropping bombs on it, and though it remains in the air LZ39 is sufficiently damaged to force a return to base.
- The first of the new attacks by the French 10th Army in Artois was scheduled to be launched today, but is postponed due to poor weather. Meanwhile the Germans have been attempting to retake the ground lost to the French on Lorette Spur. These attacks, however, have failed, and have worn out the regiments of 117th Division.
- After an intensive bombardment the British launch another attack near Festubert today, and succeed in pushing back the German lines. Indeed, there are indications of a crisis of morale in German ranks, as a number of prisoners are taken before the British infantry had even begun their advance. To reinforce the line 6th Army brings in several battalions of Bavarians and Saxons, as well as 38th Landwehr Brigade. Crucially, they are drawn not from 6th Army's reserve, but rather from the north; the brigade is taken from 4th Army. Thus even though the British have achieved some tactical success at Festubert, they have failed in drawing away German forces from the French offensive to the south, which was the primary reason for the operation.
- The German 11th Army secures a third crossing of the San River today at Nielepkowice north of Jaroslau. Meanwhile Mackensen orders those forces already across the river to consolidate their bridgeheads.
- Just after midnight elements of the Russian 9th Army attempt to storm the town of Delatyn in Bukovina, in the centre of the line held by the Austro-Hungarian 7th Army. In bitter fighting the latter are forced back from the outer defences, but the Russians are unable to break into the town itself. Just as with the Austro-Hungarian attacks to the west, initial advances quickly degenerate into static fighting.
- The reappointed cabinet of Prime Minister Salandra meets today to discuss Italian entry into the war, and agrees to submit a bill to parliament when it reconvenes on the 20th to vest full financial powers in the government in case of war. Also, ex-premier Giovanni Giolitti departs Rome for Piedmont today, knowing full well that attempting to fight for peace when parliament meets in three days would be a lost cause.
Even without the hyperbole, Bonar Law recognizes the significance of this information. For the past three days he has been struggling to maintain control of his backbenchers, the latter enraged over the report of the 14th in The Times regarding a shortage of shells during the Battle of Aubers Ridge. Bonar Law wants to maintain the electoral truce, but he may not be able to control his own party. With this morning's letter he realizes that the resignation of Fisher will be the final straw for many Conservative MPs, who have long despised Churchill for abandoning the party in 1904 over Tariff Reform. Further, in their eyes Churchill's a administration of the Admiralty in wartime has been a failure: not only has there not been a decisive victory over the High Seas Fleet, but the Antwerp diversion was a debacle and the Dardanelles operation appears to be going nowhere.
After receiving Fisher's letter Bonar Law calls on Lloyd George and asks for confirmation of Fisher's resignation. When Lloyd George provides this, Bonar Law replies that 'the situation is impossible.' Lloyd George agrees, and the pair visit 10 Downing Street where they inform Asquith of the situation. The Prime Minister recoils at the prospect of heated parliamentary debates and denunciations of the management of the war. Further, the Liberal government is a minority, and the possibility exists that it might not survive under effective Conservative criticism. Lloyd George recommends the formation of a coalition government between the parties, in order to head off opposition in the House of Commons. Asquith does not hesitate in accepting this, his willingness to fight for his government perhaps fatally undermined by the news of the 14th regarding Venetia Stanley. It is certainly the case that Asquith never seriously appears to have contemplated fighting the Conservatives, and is perfectly willing to jettison Liberal colleagues to find cabinet places for Conservatives. Most prominent of Bonar Law's conditions for a coalition government is that Churchill must be removed as First Lord of the Admiralty. Neither Asquith nor Lloyd George flinch at the prospect of dismissing their colleague, perhaps realizing it may be the price of keeping their own positions.
Churchill, for his part, has no idea what has transpired when he arrives at 10 Downing Street later this morning to report that he has a new First Sea Lord and is ready to defend his record in the House of Commons. Asquith instead replies that there will be no debate in the House; instead, a coalition government will be formed and, turning to Churchill, asks 'what are we to do with you?' It is at this moment that Churchill realizes that his time at the Admiralty may be at an end. Later this evening, after digesting the news, Churchill writes to Asquith that he would only accept office in the new government if it is directly related to the war effort; otherwise, he would prefer to take up a command in France.
- Overnight the German zeppelin LZ39 was intercepted by several aircraft of the Royal Naval Air Service. They attack the airship by dropping bombs on it, and though it remains in the air LZ39 is sufficiently damaged to force a return to base.
- The first of the new attacks by the French 10th Army in Artois was scheduled to be launched today, but is postponed due to poor weather. Meanwhile the Germans have been attempting to retake the ground lost to the French on Lorette Spur. These attacks, however, have failed, and have worn out the regiments of 117th Division.
- After an intensive bombardment the British launch another attack near Festubert today, and succeed in pushing back the German lines. Indeed, there are indications of a crisis of morale in German ranks, as a number of prisoners are taken before the British infantry had even begun their advance. To reinforce the line 6th Army brings in several battalions of Bavarians and Saxons, as well as 38th Landwehr Brigade. Crucially, they are drawn not from 6th Army's reserve, but rather from the north; the brigade is taken from 4th Army. Thus even though the British have achieved some tactical success at Festubert, they have failed in drawing away German forces from the French offensive to the south, which was the primary reason for the operation.
- The German 11th Army secures a third crossing of the San River today at Nielepkowice north of Jaroslau. Meanwhile Mackensen orders those forces already across the river to consolidate their bridgeheads.
- Just after midnight elements of the Russian 9th Army attempt to storm the town of Delatyn in Bukovina, in the centre of the line held by the Austro-Hungarian 7th Army. In bitter fighting the latter are forced back from the outer defences, but the Russians are unable to break into the town itself. Just as with the Austro-Hungarian attacks to the west, initial advances quickly degenerate into static fighting.
- The reappointed cabinet of Prime Minister Salandra meets today to discuss Italian entry into the war, and agrees to submit a bill to parliament when it reconvenes on the 20th to vest full financial powers in the government in case of war. Also, ex-premier Giovanni Giolitti departs Rome for Piedmont today, knowing full well that attempting to fight for peace when parliament meets in three days would be a lost cause.
Saturday, May 16, 2015
May 16th, 1915
- Realizing that Admiral Fisher is serious about resignation, Churchill visits the Prime Minister today. He offers his own resignation, hoping for a vote of confidence from Asquith that will allow him to replace Fisher and continue as First Lord of the Admiralty. This is exactly what Asquith gives him today, saying that he had not even thought of Churchill resigning. Buoyed, the First Lord secures the agreement of Admiral Sir Arthur Wilson to replace Fisher as the First Sea Lord, and the other Sea Lords consent to remaining in office. Churchill then prepares a parliamentary address for tomorrow's session to announce Fisher's resignation and defend his own conduct. It is a speech, however, he will never get to deliver.
- General d'Urbal issues new orders for his 10th Army today, incorporating the revised instructions from General Foch. He envisions a series of methodical attacks, each designed to seize a particular objective from which the next assaut would be launched, culminating with the seizure of Vimy Ridge. In the centre, XXXIII Corps was to capture five points before launching its main attack on the village of Souchez, while XXI Corps had three positions of its own to occupy before assisting XXXIII Corps to seize Souchez. The first of these attacks is scheduled to begin tomorrow. On the German side, the units holding the line have gotten hopelessly mixed up over the past week, as companies and battalions have been sent haphazardly to plug gaps in the line and confront the main French assaults. As such, most of the day is devoted to reorganizing the defence, and in particular to straightening out the chain of command for the artillery batteries so that each stretch of the front line had dedicated artillery support. The battered 58th Division is also pulled out of the line, replaced by 16th Division.
To the north, the British 2nd Division launches an attack at dawn near Festubert, and a small amount of progress is made. For the rest of the day British artillery pound the German lines, in preparation for another effort tomorrow.
- As a result of the success of the German offensive at Gorlice-Tarnow, the Russian line in central Poland has been pulled back, to avoid a gap opening between the Russian 4th Army, mostly north of the Vistula River, and 3rd Army to the south. Following the Russians are the Austro-Hungarian 1st Army and an army group under German General Remus von Woyrsch composed of both German and Austro-Hungarian units. As the two forces pursue the retreating Russians, Woyrsch's group is pulled to the northeast, while 1st Army moves to the east, opening a small gap between them. Here, near Opatow, the Russian 4th Army counterattacks today, and the Austro-Hungarian 25th Division is thrown back several kilometres and suffers heavy casualties. The sudden Russian riposte brings Woyrsch's group and 1st Army to halt as they move to contain the unexpected enemy advance.
- Along the San River the German 11th Army attempt several crossings. The main action is at Jaroslau, which is occupied today by the German 2nd Guard Division. Here the town's Jewish population warns the Germans that the Russians have mined the bridge over the San, and shortly thereafter the bridge explodes and falls into the river. The Elisabeth Regiment of 2nd Guard Division then crosses the San at 530pm under the protection of heavy artillery and machine gun fire, and by evening a Russian counterattack has been driven off and the bridgehead is secure. To the north, 92nd Regiment of 20th Division is able to cross the San west of Miazownica, giving X Corps a shallow bridgehead. Thus by the end of the day, 11th Army has breached the river line at two places.
- In Italy the 'Radiant Days of May' are already passing; though a large pro-war demonstration grips the capital today, elsewhere the number and size of such gatherings are in decline. Despite its ephemeral nature, the 'Radiant Days' have completely altered the balance of interventionist vs neutralist opinion among the political classes in favour of the former. After Salandra's resignation on the 13th, Victor Emmanuel had canvassed several other parliamentary leaders, including Giolitti, about their ability to form a government. All had declined, seeing the shift of opinion towards intervention as decisive. This afternoon the king summons Salandra to Villa Savoia, and meets the politician at the gate with a simple declaration: 'It is necessary that you withdraw your declaration.' Salandra agrees, and his cabinet formally returns to office, and Italian entry into the war is now a certainty.
- In the Mediterranean the Austro-Hungarian destroyer Triglav successfully tows the German coastal submarine UB7 through the Straits of Otranto, evading the Entente blockade, and the latter then makes its way eastward towards the Dardanelles.
- General d'Urbal issues new orders for his 10th Army today, incorporating the revised instructions from General Foch. He envisions a series of methodical attacks, each designed to seize a particular objective from which the next assaut would be launched, culminating with the seizure of Vimy Ridge. In the centre, XXXIII Corps was to capture five points before launching its main attack on the village of Souchez, while XXI Corps had three positions of its own to occupy before assisting XXXIII Corps to seize Souchez. The first of these attacks is scheduled to begin tomorrow. On the German side, the units holding the line have gotten hopelessly mixed up over the past week, as companies and battalions have been sent haphazardly to plug gaps in the line and confront the main French assaults. As such, most of the day is devoted to reorganizing the defence, and in particular to straightening out the chain of command for the artillery batteries so that each stretch of the front line had dedicated artillery support. The battered 58th Division is also pulled out of the line, replaced by 16th Division.
To the north, the British 2nd Division launches an attack at dawn near Festubert, and a small amount of progress is made. For the rest of the day British artillery pound the German lines, in preparation for another effort tomorrow.
- As a result of the success of the German offensive at Gorlice-Tarnow, the Russian line in central Poland has been pulled back, to avoid a gap opening between the Russian 4th Army, mostly north of the Vistula River, and 3rd Army to the south. Following the Russians are the Austro-Hungarian 1st Army and an army group under German General Remus von Woyrsch composed of both German and Austro-Hungarian units. As the two forces pursue the retreating Russians, Woyrsch's group is pulled to the northeast, while 1st Army moves to the east, opening a small gap between them. Here, near Opatow, the Russian 4th Army counterattacks today, and the Austro-Hungarian 25th Division is thrown back several kilometres and suffers heavy casualties. The sudden Russian riposte brings Woyrsch's group and 1st Army to halt as they move to contain the unexpected enemy advance.
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| The Battle of Opatow, May 16th to 20th, 1915. |
- Along the San River the German 11th Army attempt several crossings. The main action is at Jaroslau, which is occupied today by the German 2nd Guard Division. Here the town's Jewish population warns the Germans that the Russians have mined the bridge over the San, and shortly thereafter the bridge explodes and falls into the river. The Elisabeth Regiment of 2nd Guard Division then crosses the San at 530pm under the protection of heavy artillery and machine gun fire, and by evening a Russian counterattack has been driven off and the bridgehead is secure. To the north, 92nd Regiment of 20th Division is able to cross the San west of Miazownica, giving X Corps a shallow bridgehead. Thus by the end of the day, 11th Army has breached the river line at two places.
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| The advance of the German and Austro-Hungarian armies at Jaroslau and Przemysl, May 16th to 20th, 1915. |
- In Italy the 'Radiant Days of May' are already passing; though a large pro-war demonstration grips the capital today, elsewhere the number and size of such gatherings are in decline. Despite its ephemeral nature, the 'Radiant Days' have completely altered the balance of interventionist vs neutralist opinion among the political classes in favour of the former. After Salandra's resignation on the 13th, Victor Emmanuel had canvassed several other parliamentary leaders, including Giolitti, about their ability to form a government. All had declined, seeing the shift of opinion towards intervention as decisive. This afternoon the king summons Salandra to Villa Savoia, and meets the politician at the gate with a simple declaration: 'It is necessary that you withdraw your declaration.' Salandra agrees, and his cabinet formally returns to office, and Italian entry into the war is now a certainty.
- In the Mediterranean the Austro-Hungarian destroyer Triglav successfully tows the German coastal submarine UB7 through the Straits of Otranto, evading the Entente blockade, and the latter then makes its way eastward towards the Dardanelles.
Friday, May 15, 2015
May 15th, 1915
- At 5am this morning Admiral Fisher arrives at his desk in the Admiralty building, where he comes across Churchill's revision to the reinforcements to be sent to the Dardanelles. Though the change was only to add two submarines, something in Fisher breaks. It reinforces his belief that Churchill will always want to force the Dardanelles, and will always seek to send more and more reinforcements there, a policy he does not and feels he cannot support. These two submarines become the straw that breaks the camel's back, and Fisher decides then and there that he must resign. Though he has threatened resignation several times before, this time he is determined to follow through. Knowing how persuasive Churchill can be, Fisher concludes that he can only maintain his resolve to resign if he stays out of reach of the First Lord. Thus Fisher leaves a letter of resignation with Churchill's secretary, and then promptly disappears.
Several hours later Churchill arrives at the Admiralty to discover Fisher's letter of resignation. Believing it to be just another idle threat, he seeks him out. To his consternation, however, Fisher is nowhere to be found anywhere in the Admiralty building. Churchill then rushes to 10 Downing Street to inform the Prime Minister of what has occurred. Asquith promptly writes a curt note to Fisher: 'In the King's name, I order you to return to your post.' By disappearing before his resignation could be accepted, Fisher has technically abandoned his post in wartime. Whatever sympathy there may have existed in political circles for Fisher and his struggles against Churchill (and the latter has more than his share of critics), the manner of his resignation is seen, quite properly, as disgraceful.
After several hours Fisher is discovered in a room at the Charing Cross Hotel. Responding to Asquith's summons, he goes to the Prime Minister's residence where both Asquith and Lloyd George attempt to change Fisher's mind, but to no avail. Churchill also writes several letters to Fisher, each pleading for an interview, but the latter remains adamant that he will resign and will not allow himself to be talked out of it.
- Today the American diplomatic note regarding the sinking of Lusitania arrives in Berlin. The German government now begins to prepare a response, one which Chancellor Bethmann-Hollweg hopes will mollify the Americans.
- This evening Foch, as commander of Provisional Group of the North, arrives at the headquarters of General d'Urbal of 10th Army. Foch states that a week of attacks have not achieved the desired result, and that another attack should only be launched after thorough preparation. By switching to a more methodical approach, Foch hopes to be able to advance steadily towards Vimy Ridge, which he hopes can be seized within eight to ten days. General d'Urbal thus cancels orders for an attack tomorrow, and begins to plan for further operations that fit within Foch's framework.
- To the north, the British Expeditionary Force is active once more in attempting to support the French offensive in Artois. Overnight, a British division replaced a French division south of La Bassée, allowing the latter to redeploy south. At 1130pm, the British 2nd Division of Haig's 1st Army attacks the German line near Festubert. Of the three brigades in the operation, one achieves complete surprise and overruns the first German trench line. The other two, however, are spotted beforehand and, illuminated by star shells and searchlights, suffer heavy casualties.
- The second phase of the Gorlice-Tarnow offensive opens today when the German 11th Army assaults the Russian line at and north of Jaroslau. Attacks by 1st and 2nd Guard Divisions seize the Russian defensive positions protecting Jaroslau, and by the end of the day the Russians are streaming back through the town towards the east bank of the San River. To the north, the German X Corps drives to the river, though at seventy yards wide it is too broad to cross without adequate preparations. For his part Mackensen this afternoon orders X, Guard, and XXXXI Reserve Corps to undertake precisely these preparations, including bringing up substantial amounts of artillery shells, to attack across the San and established bridgeheads tomorrow.
- In east Galicia General Pflanzer-Baltin of the Austro-Hungarian 7th Army orders a counteroffensive by his western wing; here the Russians opposite have been forced to pull back to remain in contact with the Russian 11th Army (in turn having retreated due to the collapse of 3rd Army), and Pflanzer-Baltin hopes to catch the Russians off-guard and force a further withdrawal. Though several Austro-Hungarian divisions are able to advance initially, Russian counterattacks soon throw them back, and the fighting quickly degenerates into a stalemate.
Several hours later Churchill arrives at the Admiralty to discover Fisher's letter of resignation. Believing it to be just another idle threat, he seeks him out. To his consternation, however, Fisher is nowhere to be found anywhere in the Admiralty building. Churchill then rushes to 10 Downing Street to inform the Prime Minister of what has occurred. Asquith promptly writes a curt note to Fisher: 'In the King's name, I order you to return to your post.' By disappearing before his resignation could be accepted, Fisher has technically abandoned his post in wartime. Whatever sympathy there may have existed in political circles for Fisher and his struggles against Churchill (and the latter has more than his share of critics), the manner of his resignation is seen, quite properly, as disgraceful.
After several hours Fisher is discovered in a room at the Charing Cross Hotel. Responding to Asquith's summons, he goes to the Prime Minister's residence where both Asquith and Lloyd George attempt to change Fisher's mind, but to no avail. Churchill also writes several letters to Fisher, each pleading for an interview, but the latter remains adamant that he will resign and will not allow himself to be talked out of it.
- Today the American diplomatic note regarding the sinking of Lusitania arrives in Berlin. The German government now begins to prepare a response, one which Chancellor Bethmann-Hollweg hopes will mollify the Americans.
- This evening Foch, as commander of Provisional Group of the North, arrives at the headquarters of General d'Urbal of 10th Army. Foch states that a week of attacks have not achieved the desired result, and that another attack should only be launched after thorough preparation. By switching to a more methodical approach, Foch hopes to be able to advance steadily towards Vimy Ridge, which he hopes can be seized within eight to ten days. General d'Urbal thus cancels orders for an attack tomorrow, and begins to plan for further operations that fit within Foch's framework.
- To the north, the British Expeditionary Force is active once more in attempting to support the French offensive in Artois. Overnight, a British division replaced a French division south of La Bassée, allowing the latter to redeploy south. At 1130pm, the British 2nd Division of Haig's 1st Army attacks the German line near Festubert. Of the three brigades in the operation, one achieves complete surprise and overruns the first German trench line. The other two, however, are spotted beforehand and, illuminated by star shells and searchlights, suffer heavy casualties.
- The second phase of the Gorlice-Tarnow offensive opens today when the German 11th Army assaults the Russian line at and north of Jaroslau. Attacks by 1st and 2nd Guard Divisions seize the Russian defensive positions protecting Jaroslau, and by the end of the day the Russians are streaming back through the town towards the east bank of the San River. To the north, the German X Corps drives to the river, though at seventy yards wide it is too broad to cross without adequate preparations. For his part Mackensen this afternoon orders X, Guard, and XXXXI Reserve Corps to undertake precisely these preparations, including bringing up substantial amounts of artillery shells, to attack across the San and established bridgeheads tomorrow.
- In east Galicia General Pflanzer-Baltin of the Austro-Hungarian 7th Army orders a counteroffensive by his western wing; here the Russians opposite have been forced to pull back to remain in contact with the Russian 11th Army (in turn having retreated due to the collapse of 3rd Army), and Pflanzer-Baltin hopes to catch the Russians off-guard and force a further withdrawal. Though several Austro-Hungarian divisions are able to advance initially, Russian counterattacks soon throw them back, and the fighting quickly degenerates into a stalemate.
Thursday, May 14, 2015
May 14th, 1915
- This morning the fuse lit by Sir John French five days earlier explodes on the pages of The Times newspaper, which runs an extensive report and editorial on the recent failure at Aubers Ridge. Given the close relationship between French and the newspaper's military correspondent, it is no surprise that the coverage praises the plan for and management of the battle itself. Instead, the paper is harshly critical of the supply of both artillery shells and heavy artillery pieces, and lays blame for this failure directly on the War Office and the Secretary of State for War, Lord Kitchener. The proprietor of The Times, Lord Northcliffe, has come to see Kitchener not as the imperial hero, but as the stubborn incompetent whose mismanagement is damaging the British war effort. Northcliffe is not alone in this view; some within the Conservative party, as well as the Chancellor of the Exchequer David Lloyd George, have become exasperated with Lord Kitchener, and feel he must go if Britain is to fully mobilize its industry in support of the war.
The political impact of The Times' report can hardly be underestimated. Just several weeks earlier Prime Minister Asquith had assured the British public at Newcastle that the supply of munitions was more than sufficient, words that now appear hollow at best and deceitful at worst. In particular, the report crystalizes concerns among many Conservative backbenchers that the Liberal government is mismanaging the war effort. This places the leadership of the Conservative party in a quandary: since the beginning of the war all of the major parties have observed a political truce, but it is increasingly difficult to restrain the backbenches from attacking the government over perceived incompetence, and The Times report pours gasoline on the simmering fire.
This afternoon, meanwhile, the first meeting of the War Council is held in London since April 6th. With the allegations from The Times hanging in the air, Kitchener is in a foul mood, and complains bitterly about the navy abandoning the army at Gallipoli. Fisher has finally had enough, and for the first time speaks of his constant opposition to the Dardanelles operation, a position that is news to most of those in the room. Churchill, annoyed by Fisher's outburst, attempts to defend his own position afterwards in a letter to Asquith, arguing that Fisher has signed off on every order touching on the Dardanelles operation.
Later this evening Churchill and Fisher meet at the latter's office to discuss possible reinforcements for the Dardanelles now that Queen Elizabeth is being withdrawn. Once again Churchill overawes the older Fisher, and the latter agrees to send several monitors to the Mediterranean to allow for the recall of several battleships. After Fisher departs for the night, Churchill adds two submarines, as requested by Admiral de Robeck, to the list of proposed warships to be sent to the Dardanelles. It is a fateful decision.
As the political turmoil swirls in London, Prime Minister Asquith is suffering from a much different kind of angst. For several years he has been desperately in love with Venetia Stanley, a close friend of his daugher Violet. He has shared all manner of state secrets with her, and relies on her utterly for moral support. Today, however, Venetia informs Asquith that their relationship is at an end, and that she is to marry Edwin Montagu, a fellow Liberal politician. Asquith is utterly shattered; he writes to Venetia today that 'this is too terrible; no hell could be so bad.' The gravest crisis the Liberal government has ever faced is at hand, and the Prime Minister is a broken man.
- Today repeated French attacks secure most of Notre-Dame de Lorette in Artois, but the Germans stubbornly remain entrenched on the eastern edge, and from this position they are able to fire into the northern flank of the French XXXIII Corps and prevent a further advance towards Souchez. On the German side additional reinforcements come forward, and 5th Bavarian Division, which has lost two-thirds of its strength since the 9th, is pulled out of the line today. However, when 6th Army commander Crown Prince Rupprecht requests further reinforcements from Falkenhayn, the latter instead replies with a sharp rebuke: most of the reserves on the Western Front have already been sent to 6th Army, and that the forces now available in Artois ought to be more than sufficient to hold the line. In part this reflects Falkenhayn's irritation at Rupprecht's constant demands, but also that the shift to the east in April has meant that the Western Front must defend itself with what it has, and few reserves remain.
- Today the German 11th Army approaches the Russian positions at Przemysl and the San River, and prepares to attack the enemy line at Jaroslau tomorrow.
- When the Austro-Hungarian 7th Army retreated to the Pruth River it left a bridgehead on the north side at Kolomea, and this is the target of an attack by the Russian XXXIII Corps after midday. Despite heavy Russian pressure, the Austro-Hungarians are able to hold on, in part due to the arrival of the first reinforcements from III Corps.
- The resignation of the cabinet of Prime Minister Salandra yesterday evening is a shock to the Italian public. In particular, those who favour intervention in the war on the side of the Entente are shocked, and fear that they will be denied their war at the last moment. What happens next, however, will transform the political situation. Starting today, significant numbers of the urban middle class gather in major cities and towns throughout Italy to call for war against Austria-Hungary. This is the same social group that were the predominant presence in the crowds that in other countries celebrated the outbreak of war last August. These demonstrations appear spontaneously with no organization and little support from the upper classes or political elites other than a few wealthy northern landowners and the owners of industrial concerns such as Fiat. Indeed, the sudden outbreak of pro-war protests comes as a shock to Salandra, Sonnino, and their allies; the old cabinet, in its capacity as a caretaker government until the king appoints a replacement, authorizes local prefects to call in the army if necessary to maintain public order. In practice, the gatherings are generally peaceful, as befitting crowds of the 'respectable' middle-class.
These demonstrations become known as the 'Radiant Days of May' and, precisely because they were so unexpected and spontaneous, they have an impact on the political class far outweighing the actual size of the crowds. Dozens of parliamentary representatives who previously had opposed war now declare in favour of intervention, wanting to stay in step with public opinion. The demonstrations also influence Victor Emmanuel, believing they will sway the votes of a sufficient number of parliamentary representatives as to make the formation of an anti-war cabinet impossible, and thus making the recall of Salandra to the premiership palatable.
- Today Admiral de Robeck receives the Admiralty reply to his message of the 10th regarding a further naval attack on the Dardanelles. In line with Fisher's views, Churchill writes that 'the moment for an independent naval attempt to force the Narrows has passed . . . your role is therefore to support the army in its costly but sure advance and to reserve your strength to deal with the situation which will arise when the army has succeeded.' The fleet is to remain in a subordinate position to the army, and success will depend on the army securing Gallipoli.
The political impact of The Times' report can hardly be underestimated. Just several weeks earlier Prime Minister Asquith had assured the British public at Newcastle that the supply of munitions was more than sufficient, words that now appear hollow at best and deceitful at worst. In particular, the report crystalizes concerns among many Conservative backbenchers that the Liberal government is mismanaging the war effort. This places the leadership of the Conservative party in a quandary: since the beginning of the war all of the major parties have observed a political truce, but it is increasingly difficult to restrain the backbenches from attacking the government over perceived incompetence, and The Times report pours gasoline on the simmering fire.
This afternoon, meanwhile, the first meeting of the War Council is held in London since April 6th. With the allegations from The Times hanging in the air, Kitchener is in a foul mood, and complains bitterly about the navy abandoning the army at Gallipoli. Fisher has finally had enough, and for the first time speaks of his constant opposition to the Dardanelles operation, a position that is news to most of those in the room. Churchill, annoyed by Fisher's outburst, attempts to defend his own position afterwards in a letter to Asquith, arguing that Fisher has signed off on every order touching on the Dardanelles operation.
Later this evening Churchill and Fisher meet at the latter's office to discuss possible reinforcements for the Dardanelles now that Queen Elizabeth is being withdrawn. Once again Churchill overawes the older Fisher, and the latter agrees to send several monitors to the Mediterranean to allow for the recall of several battleships. After Fisher departs for the night, Churchill adds two submarines, as requested by Admiral de Robeck, to the list of proposed warships to be sent to the Dardanelles. It is a fateful decision.
As the political turmoil swirls in London, Prime Minister Asquith is suffering from a much different kind of angst. For several years he has been desperately in love with Venetia Stanley, a close friend of his daugher Violet. He has shared all manner of state secrets with her, and relies on her utterly for moral support. Today, however, Venetia informs Asquith that their relationship is at an end, and that she is to marry Edwin Montagu, a fellow Liberal politician. Asquith is utterly shattered; he writes to Venetia today that 'this is too terrible; no hell could be so bad.' The gravest crisis the Liberal government has ever faced is at hand, and the Prime Minister is a broken man.
- Today repeated French attacks secure most of Notre-Dame de Lorette in Artois, but the Germans stubbornly remain entrenched on the eastern edge, and from this position they are able to fire into the northern flank of the French XXXIII Corps and prevent a further advance towards Souchez. On the German side additional reinforcements come forward, and 5th Bavarian Division, which has lost two-thirds of its strength since the 9th, is pulled out of the line today. However, when 6th Army commander Crown Prince Rupprecht requests further reinforcements from Falkenhayn, the latter instead replies with a sharp rebuke: most of the reserves on the Western Front have already been sent to 6th Army, and that the forces now available in Artois ought to be more than sufficient to hold the line. In part this reflects Falkenhayn's irritation at Rupprecht's constant demands, but also that the shift to the east in April has meant that the Western Front must defend itself with what it has, and few reserves remain.
- Today the German 11th Army approaches the Russian positions at Przemysl and the San River, and prepares to attack the enemy line at Jaroslau tomorrow.
- When the Austro-Hungarian 7th Army retreated to the Pruth River it left a bridgehead on the north side at Kolomea, and this is the target of an attack by the Russian XXXIII Corps after midday. Despite heavy Russian pressure, the Austro-Hungarians are able to hold on, in part due to the arrival of the first reinforcements from III Corps.
- The resignation of the cabinet of Prime Minister Salandra yesterday evening is a shock to the Italian public. In particular, those who favour intervention in the war on the side of the Entente are shocked, and fear that they will be denied their war at the last moment. What happens next, however, will transform the political situation. Starting today, significant numbers of the urban middle class gather in major cities and towns throughout Italy to call for war against Austria-Hungary. This is the same social group that were the predominant presence in the crowds that in other countries celebrated the outbreak of war last August. These demonstrations appear spontaneously with no organization and little support from the upper classes or political elites other than a few wealthy northern landowners and the owners of industrial concerns such as Fiat. Indeed, the sudden outbreak of pro-war protests comes as a shock to Salandra, Sonnino, and their allies; the old cabinet, in its capacity as a caretaker government until the king appoints a replacement, authorizes local prefects to call in the army if necessary to maintain public order. In practice, the gatherings are generally peaceful, as befitting crowds of the 'respectable' middle-class.
These demonstrations become known as the 'Radiant Days of May' and, precisely because they were so unexpected and spontaneous, they have an impact on the political class far outweighing the actual size of the crowds. Dozens of parliamentary representatives who previously had opposed war now declare in favour of intervention, wanting to stay in step with public opinion. The demonstrations also influence Victor Emmanuel, believing they will sway the votes of a sufficient number of parliamentary representatives as to make the formation of an anti-war cabinet impossible, and thus making the recall of Salandra to the premiership palatable.
- Today Admiral de Robeck receives the Admiralty reply to his message of the 10th regarding a further naval attack on the Dardanelles. In line with Fisher's views, Churchill writes that 'the moment for an independent naval attempt to force the Narrows has passed . . . your role is therefore to support the army in its costly but sure advance and to reserve your strength to deal with the situation which will arise when the army has succeeded.' The fleet is to remain in a subordinate position to the army, and success will depend on the army securing Gallipoli.
Monday, April 20, 2015
April 20th, 1915
- Prime Minister Asquith gives a speech today to armaments workers in Newcastle, attempting to calm public and press concerns over a shortage of artillery shells by suggesting that the supply of munitions is adequate in present circumstances. Asquith bases his speech on advice from Lord Kitchener, who has assured the Prime Minister that worries over a 'shells crisis' are vastly overblown. The reality being otherwise, Asquith will come to regret his comments.
- Preceded by heavy artillery bombardments, the Germans have launched repeated attacks against the British position on Hill 60 for three days. After bitter fighting the Germans have reestablished themselves on the slopes of the hill, with the British defenders left clinging to the large craters the detonation of their mines on the 17th created.
- From the outbreak of the war, when it declined to side with Austria-Hungary and Germany in fulfillment of its obligations under the Triple Alliance, Italy has remained on the sidelines. This neutrality, however, has never meant indifference; indeed, the Italian government has keenly followed the fortunes of both sides, for it has always intended to leverage its neutrality to secure territorial concessions. There is a powerful sentiment among many of the ruling class that Italian unification is not yet complete, as long as Italians live outside of Italy. This has inevitably drawn attention to Austria-Hungary; not only to secure the city of Trieste and the region of Trentino, but also to achieve a dominant position in the Adriatic and influence in the Balkans. Italy has already taken advantage of the war to occupy the Albanian port of Valona, and negotiations have been ongoing with Austria-Hungary over territorial concessions. However, even despite the intransigence of Conrad, Franz Joseph, and others in the Austro-Hungarian government, it was always improbable that Austria-Hungary would ever willing cede all the territory desired by the Italian government.
This has inevitably drawn the Italian government towards the Entente, as the British and French are more than happy to promise whatever Italy desires to secure its entry into the war on their side. Since March 3rd, secret negotiations have been underway to find the size of the bribe necessary for Italy to join the Entente. The only significant stumbling block has been Russia - whereas Britain and France have no problem handing over whatever portion of the Balkans Italy desires, Russia has been more reticent, as it desires both to maintain its own influence in the Balkans and secure territorial acquisitions for its Serbian ally. The lands desired by both Serbia and Italy are not mutually compatible, and much of the focus of the negotiations has been on the fate of the Dalmatian coast and the islands just offshore. Generally, it has been the Russians who have compromised, for they have been promised post-war control over Constantinople and the Dardanelles by the British and French, and are not willing to endanger that pledge for the sake of their Serbian ally. The last stumbling block has been the date on which Italy will actually enter the war. The Italian government, on the advice of the army, has requested a delay until mid-May; the Russians, meanwhile, want Italian intervention as quickly as possible, in order to force Austria-Hungary to divert forces from the Carpathians. After personal messages from President Poincaré and King George V, this evening the tsar agrees to the delay, clearing the path for a final agreement.
- When the Ottoman Empire entered the war in November 1914, its Young Turk leadership had sought to utilize the conflict to achieve their ambition of transforming the state into a revitalized pan-Turkic empire, seizing lands in central Asia from Russia inhabited by Turkic peoples. The crushing defeat at Sarikamish in January 1915 had destroyed these hopes, and in the aftermath the Young Turks had sought to assign blame to minorities within the Ottoman Empire, seeing non-Turkic peoples as inherently disloyal. The focus for such accusations had rapidly become the Armenian people, whose Christian religion had also told against them. Armenians had long been a scapegoat in Ottoman history, with widespread ethnic massacres occurring in the two decades prior to 1914. Further, though 2 million Armenians lived on the Ottoman side of the frontier in the Caucasus, another 1.5 million lived on the Russian side, which made it easy for the Ottoman government to portray the Armenians as sympathetic to the enemy.
Over the past several months, increasingly harsh measures have been taken against Armenians. Those who served in the Ottoman army had been removed from combat formations and reassigned to labour battalions, preemptively disarming them lest they cause any trouble. In the countryside of the western Caucasus, and in particular the region around Lake Van, Ottoman police and soldiers have taken ever-harsher measures against the Armenian population, and by April massacres of civilians are increasingly commonplace. These atrocities have occurred with the knowledge and complicity of governor Cevdet Bey, brother-in-law to Enver Pasha - indeed, Cevdet's appointment to Van in February aimed to ensure that anti-Armenian measures adopted by the national leadership would be enthusiastically enforced at the local level.
Yesterday Cevdet yesterday had ordered Ottoman police and army detachments into the Armenian-dominated city of Van. After several attacks on Armenian civilians, the Armenian population rises in rebellion today, and this uprising will provide the Young Turk leadership with the excuse to implement the policy they desired to implement anyway: genocide.
- Preceded by heavy artillery bombardments, the Germans have launched repeated attacks against the British position on Hill 60 for three days. After bitter fighting the Germans have reestablished themselves on the slopes of the hill, with the British defenders left clinging to the large craters the detonation of their mines on the 17th created.
- From the outbreak of the war, when it declined to side with Austria-Hungary and Germany in fulfillment of its obligations under the Triple Alliance, Italy has remained on the sidelines. This neutrality, however, has never meant indifference; indeed, the Italian government has keenly followed the fortunes of both sides, for it has always intended to leverage its neutrality to secure territorial concessions. There is a powerful sentiment among many of the ruling class that Italian unification is not yet complete, as long as Italians live outside of Italy. This has inevitably drawn attention to Austria-Hungary; not only to secure the city of Trieste and the region of Trentino, but also to achieve a dominant position in the Adriatic and influence in the Balkans. Italy has already taken advantage of the war to occupy the Albanian port of Valona, and negotiations have been ongoing with Austria-Hungary over territorial concessions. However, even despite the intransigence of Conrad, Franz Joseph, and others in the Austro-Hungarian government, it was always improbable that Austria-Hungary would ever willing cede all the territory desired by the Italian government.
This has inevitably drawn the Italian government towards the Entente, as the British and French are more than happy to promise whatever Italy desires to secure its entry into the war on their side. Since March 3rd, secret negotiations have been underway to find the size of the bribe necessary for Italy to join the Entente. The only significant stumbling block has been Russia - whereas Britain and France have no problem handing over whatever portion of the Balkans Italy desires, Russia has been more reticent, as it desires both to maintain its own influence in the Balkans and secure territorial acquisitions for its Serbian ally. The lands desired by both Serbia and Italy are not mutually compatible, and much of the focus of the negotiations has been on the fate of the Dalmatian coast and the islands just offshore. Generally, it has been the Russians who have compromised, for they have been promised post-war control over Constantinople and the Dardanelles by the British and French, and are not willing to endanger that pledge for the sake of their Serbian ally. The last stumbling block has been the date on which Italy will actually enter the war. The Italian government, on the advice of the army, has requested a delay until mid-May; the Russians, meanwhile, want Italian intervention as quickly as possible, in order to force Austria-Hungary to divert forces from the Carpathians. After personal messages from President Poincaré and King George V, this evening the tsar agrees to the delay, clearing the path for a final agreement.
- When the Ottoman Empire entered the war in November 1914, its Young Turk leadership had sought to utilize the conflict to achieve their ambition of transforming the state into a revitalized pan-Turkic empire, seizing lands in central Asia from Russia inhabited by Turkic peoples. The crushing defeat at Sarikamish in January 1915 had destroyed these hopes, and in the aftermath the Young Turks had sought to assign blame to minorities within the Ottoman Empire, seeing non-Turkic peoples as inherently disloyal. The focus for such accusations had rapidly become the Armenian people, whose Christian religion had also told against them. Armenians had long been a scapegoat in Ottoman history, with widespread ethnic massacres occurring in the two decades prior to 1914. Further, though 2 million Armenians lived on the Ottoman side of the frontier in the Caucasus, another 1.5 million lived on the Russian side, which made it easy for the Ottoman government to portray the Armenians as sympathetic to the enemy.
Over the past several months, increasingly harsh measures have been taken against Armenians. Those who served in the Ottoman army had been removed from combat formations and reassigned to labour battalions, preemptively disarming them lest they cause any trouble. In the countryside of the western Caucasus, and in particular the region around Lake Van, Ottoman police and soldiers have taken ever-harsher measures against the Armenian population, and by April massacres of civilians are increasingly commonplace. These atrocities have occurred with the knowledge and complicity of governor Cevdet Bey, brother-in-law to Enver Pasha - indeed, Cevdet's appointment to Van in February aimed to ensure that anti-Armenian measures adopted by the national leadership would be enthusiastically enforced at the local level.
Yesterday Cevdet yesterday had ordered Ottoman police and army detachments into the Armenian-dominated city of Van. After several attacks on Armenian civilians, the Armenian population rises in rebellion today, and this uprising will provide the Young Turk leadership with the excuse to implement the policy they desired to implement anyway: genocide.
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| The Ottoman Empire, showing the location of the city of Van in the Caucasus. |
Wednesday, April 08, 2015
April 8th, 1915
- In Britain Prime Minister Asquith announces the formation of yet another committee: the Treasury Munitions of War Committee. This new body is chaired by the Chancellor of the Exchequer David Lloyd George, who sees the committee's work as being an extension of his own and the means by which to wrestle control over the financing of munitions production from Lord Kitchener and the War Office. The ongoing internecine battle between the two, combined with Asquith's penchant to delay decisions through endless debate, can hardly be expected to increase munitions output.
- With the attacks against the St.-Mihiel salient going nowhere, Joffre orders a shift in tactics today, ordering General Dubail of the Provisional Group of the East to shift to methodical attacks designed to overwhelm the enemy. Dubail halts the broad-front attacks currently underway and prepares to concentrate his forces for a small number of hopefully-irresistible assaults.
- Emden's landing party successfully reached the town of Djidda several days ago without further incident, where the injured are treated in hospital and supplies restocked. Given the recent Arab attack, First Officer Mücke has decided to continue the journey northwards by sea, chartering a large zambuk. In light of the British blockade offshore, Mücke also spread the rumour that his expedition intended to continue by land. Remarkably, once again the British fall for disinformation from the German officer, and when the zambuk departs Djidda this evening there are no British warships in sight.
- With the attacks against the St.-Mihiel salient going nowhere, Joffre orders a shift in tactics today, ordering General Dubail of the Provisional Group of the East to shift to methodical attacks designed to overwhelm the enemy. Dubail halts the broad-front attacks currently underway and prepares to concentrate his forces for a small number of hopefully-irresistible assaults.
- Emden's landing party successfully reached the town of Djidda several days ago without further incident, where the injured are treated in hospital and supplies restocked. Given the recent Arab attack, First Officer Mücke has decided to continue the journey northwards by sea, chartering a large zambuk. In light of the British blockade offshore, Mücke also spread the rumour that his expedition intended to continue by land. Remarkably, once again the British fall for disinformation from the German officer, and when the zambuk departs Djidda this evening there are no British warships in sight.
Wednesday, March 25, 2015
March 25th, 1915
- The Dutch merchant ship Medea is halted by a U-boat today, and after searching the vessel it is sunk by the Germans. This is the first time a neutral ship has been sunk by a submarine after being searched since the commencement of unrestricted submarine warfare.
- For two weeks the German XV Corps on the southeastern face of the Ypres salient has been waiting for the right wind and weather conditions to conduct its planned gas attack, but on no day has the wind blown from the east or southeast, resulting in continual delays. Today the German 4th Army orders that the gas cylinders be moved to the front held by XXVI Reserve Corps and 46th Reserve Division (of XXIII Reserve Corps) between Poelcappelle and Steenstraat on the northeastern face of the Ypres salient, in the hope that a favourable wind from the northeast is more likely to occur.
- The Russian offensive in the Carpathians expands westward overnight, as a sharp attack breaks through the Austro-Hungarian 28th Division on the inner wings of 3rd and 4th Armies, resulting in III Corps falling back to Zboro. Further, the commander of 2nd Army warns Conrad that his soldiers are reaching the end of their endurance, and V and XVIII Corps in particular are at the breaking point. To complicate matters, he reports that the intensity of the combat requires the commitment of all reserves as soon as they arrive at the front, preventing the accumulation of any substantial force that could go over onto the attack and wrest the initiative from the Russians.
Meanwhile, in response to Conrad's request of yesterday for German aid, Falkenhayn instead insists that Conrad pressure the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Ministry to conclude negotiations with Italy over territorial concessions that would keep the latter out of the war. Falkenhayn fears that if the Italians become fully aware of the growing crisis in the Carpathians, they will be tempted to seize the opportunity to attack a crippled Austria-Hungary.
- Though the Mesopotamian expedition was launched initially only to guard the oil pipeline leading to the vital terminal at Abadan, the occupation of the region around Basra has inevitably raised the issue of the permanent annexation of Ottoman territory. In particular, the British recognition of Russia's claim to Constantinople has opened the issue of the postwar dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire, and voices within the India Office are especially strong in favour of Mesopotamian annexations. Prime Minister Asquith himself remains hesitant; as he explains in a letter to his friend and confidant Venetia Stanley today, 'taking on Mesopotamia, for instance, means spending millions in irrigation & development with no immediate or early return; keeping up quite a large army white & coloured in an unfamiliar country; tackling every kind of tangled administrative question, worse than we have ever had in India, with a hornet's nest of Arab tribes, and even if all that were set right having a perpetual menace to our flank in Kurdistan.' However, he feels the pressure of immediate wartime necessities pushing the government in the direction of annexation, and that '[Sir Edward] Grey and I are the only two men who doubt and distrust any such settlement.'
- For two weeks the German XV Corps on the southeastern face of the Ypres salient has been waiting for the right wind and weather conditions to conduct its planned gas attack, but on no day has the wind blown from the east or southeast, resulting in continual delays. Today the German 4th Army orders that the gas cylinders be moved to the front held by XXVI Reserve Corps and 46th Reserve Division (of XXIII Reserve Corps) between Poelcappelle and Steenstraat on the northeastern face of the Ypres salient, in the hope that a favourable wind from the northeast is more likely to occur.
- The Russian offensive in the Carpathians expands westward overnight, as a sharp attack breaks through the Austro-Hungarian 28th Division on the inner wings of 3rd and 4th Armies, resulting in III Corps falling back to Zboro. Further, the commander of 2nd Army warns Conrad that his soldiers are reaching the end of their endurance, and V and XVIII Corps in particular are at the breaking point. To complicate matters, he reports that the intensity of the combat requires the commitment of all reserves as soon as they arrive at the front, preventing the accumulation of any substantial force that could go over onto the attack and wrest the initiative from the Russians.
Meanwhile, in response to Conrad's request of yesterday for German aid, Falkenhayn instead insists that Conrad pressure the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Ministry to conclude negotiations with Italy over territorial concessions that would keep the latter out of the war. Falkenhayn fears that if the Italians become fully aware of the growing crisis in the Carpathians, they will be tempted to seize the opportunity to attack a crippled Austria-Hungary.
- Though the Mesopotamian expedition was launched initially only to guard the oil pipeline leading to the vital terminal at Abadan, the occupation of the region around Basra has inevitably raised the issue of the permanent annexation of Ottoman territory. In particular, the British recognition of Russia's claim to Constantinople has opened the issue of the postwar dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire, and voices within the India Office are especially strong in favour of Mesopotamian annexations. Prime Minister Asquith himself remains hesitant; as he explains in a letter to his friend and confidant Venetia Stanley today, 'taking on Mesopotamia, for instance, means spending millions in irrigation & development with no immediate or early return; keeping up quite a large army white & coloured in an unfamiliar country; tackling every kind of tangled administrative question, worse than we have ever had in India, with a hornet's nest of Arab tribes, and even if all that were set right having a perpetual menace to our flank in Kurdistan.' However, he feels the pressure of immediate wartime necessities pushing the government in the direction of annexation, and that '[Sir Edward] Grey and I are the only two men who doubt and distrust any such settlement.'
Sunday, January 25, 2015
January 25th, 1915
- This morning the heavy-damaged battlecruiser Seydlitz limps into the harbour at Wilhelmshaven, and after pumping out six hundred tons of water, it enters dry dock to begin what will be an extensive and lengthy repair. The devastation wrought by the explosion of the two aft turrets on Seydlitz does have one benefit, as the Germans realize just how potentially destructive a fire in a turret can be. In particular, they are acutely aware of how narrowly they avoided disaster; if the fire in the turrets had ignited the main magazine as the result of a 'flash fire', as the phenomenon is named, the warship would have ceased to exist. The conclusion drawn is that the turret must always be isolated from the magazine, even while ammunition is being hoisted from the latter to the former. To do this, automatic doors are to be installed on all German dreadnoughts and battlecruisers designed to close immediately after a load of ammunition has passed them by. Through this, it is hoped that the destruction wrought by a 'flash fire' will be limited only to the turret initially struck. It is a vital insight that the Royal Navy, having no warship damaged by a flash fire, is entirely ignorant, an oversight for which several thousand sailors will pay with their lives in seventeen months time.
- In Britain construction of the battlecruisers Renown and Repulse begins today as the keels are laid down. The design of the two warships was done at the insistence of Admiral Fisher, who views Renown and Repulse as embodying a further evolution of battlecruiser design; namely, even higher speed with even less armour. The two will have six 15-inch guns and the remarkable maximum speed of 32 knots, though this is accomplished at the expense of armour - they are more thin-skinned than any other dreadnought or battlecruiser afloat. Fisher does nothing by moderation, and if he is wants to trade armour and armament for speed, then there is no length to which he is not willing to go.
- Admiral Fisher sends a memorandum relating his views on the proposed attack against the Dardanelles to Prime Minister Asquith today, with a copy to Churchill. The First Sea Lord argues that any subsidiary operations play into Germany's hands, as the margin of superiority in the North Sea is vital to naval supremacy, and any losses, even of second-rank warships, can have an impact. Though Fisher asks that his memorandum be circulated to the War Council, Asquith, on Churchill's advice, refuses.
- Though held by the French during the Race to the Sea, the town of Albert is within easy shelling distance of German artillery on the other side of the front line. Today, a German shell strikes the top of the Basilica of Notre Dame de Brebières in Albert, causing the statue of Mary holding the baby Jesus to lodge in a horizontal position that appeared to defy logic and gravity. The 'Leaning Virgin', as it will be known, becomes a familiar sight to Entente soldiers marching to the nearby front, and both sides believe that whomever will cause the statue to fall will lose the war.
- Falkenhayn issues further instructions to his army commanders on the Western Front regarding the defense of German lines. While he authorizes the construction of reserve lines and fortifications , he emphasizes that every effort must be expended on holding the first trench line, and the additional defences are only to be utilized in the case that the front trench is penetrated. Further, any lost ground is to be the target of an immediate counterattack.
- In Galicia the offensive by the Austro-Hungarian 3rd Army and Südarmee continues to make little progress. X Corps of the former has seen its attack on the Russian lines fail and is ordered to cease offensive operations so that the few reserves available to 3rd Army can be sent to the east wing in an effort to find a way forward.
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| The damaged German battlecruiser Seydlitz returning to port after the Battle of Dogger Bank. |
- In Britain construction of the battlecruisers Renown and Repulse begins today as the keels are laid down. The design of the two warships was done at the insistence of Admiral Fisher, who views Renown and Repulse as embodying a further evolution of battlecruiser design; namely, even higher speed with even less armour. The two will have six 15-inch guns and the remarkable maximum speed of 32 knots, though this is accomplished at the expense of armour - they are more thin-skinned than any other dreadnought or battlecruiser afloat. Fisher does nothing by moderation, and if he is wants to trade armour and armament for speed, then there is no length to which he is not willing to go.
- Admiral Fisher sends a memorandum relating his views on the proposed attack against the Dardanelles to Prime Minister Asquith today, with a copy to Churchill. The First Sea Lord argues that any subsidiary operations play into Germany's hands, as the margin of superiority in the North Sea is vital to naval supremacy, and any losses, even of second-rank warships, can have an impact. Though Fisher asks that his memorandum be circulated to the War Council, Asquith, on Churchill's advice, refuses.
- Though held by the French during the Race to the Sea, the town of Albert is within easy shelling distance of German artillery on the other side of the front line. Today, a German shell strikes the top of the Basilica of Notre Dame de Brebières in Albert, causing the statue of Mary holding the baby Jesus to lodge in a horizontal position that appeared to defy logic and gravity. The 'Leaning Virgin', as it will be known, becomes a familiar sight to Entente soldiers marching to the nearby front, and both sides believe that whomever will cause the statue to fall will lose the war.
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| The Basilica of Notre Dame de Brebières in Albert, with the 'Leaning Virgin' poised as if in mid-air. |
- Falkenhayn issues further instructions to his army commanders on the Western Front regarding the defense of German lines. While he authorizes the construction of reserve lines and fortifications , he emphasizes that every effort must be expended on holding the first trench line, and the additional defences are only to be utilized in the case that the front trench is penetrated. Further, any lost ground is to be the target of an immediate counterattack.
- In Galicia the offensive by the Austro-Hungarian 3rd Army and Südarmee continues to make little progress. X Corps of the former has seen its attack on the Russian lines fail and is ordered to cease offensive operations so that the few reserves available to 3rd Army can be sent to the east wing in an effort to find a way forward.
Monday, August 04, 2014
August 4th, 1914
- At 4am, Admiral Sir John Jellicoe receives orders from the Admiralty to take command of the Royal Navy's Grand Fleet as Commander-in-Chief. The Grand Fleet is the strongest naval force in the world, consisting of dreadnoughts, battlecruisers, and supporting vessels, and is based at Scapa Flow in the Orkneys. As its commander, Jellicoe's role is the most important in the Royal Navy. The Grand Fleet is essential to the survival of Great Britain - should its ships be sunk, the Germans would be able to easily blockade the country and, since Britain must import food, force starvation and surrender within weeks. Thus, as Churchill says of Jellicoe, he is 'the only man on either side who can lose the war in an afternoon.' Jellicoe is acutely aware of the pressure and responsibilities of his role. He sees it as his task not to destroy the German navy, but to preserve the Grand Fleet. The status quo is satisfactory for Britain - merely by existing, the Grand Fleet is able to blockade Germany, as no German ships can possible sail through the Channel or out of the North Sea east of Scapa Flow without interception by the Royal Navy. Thus Jellicoe does not seek battle with the Germans merely for the sake of battle, as he knows that victory in such a battle will not substantially change the status quo, but defeat can end the war.
- On the Western Front the great armies of France and Germany assemble. Hundreds of thousands of soldiers, with their equipment and supplies, are brought like clockwork to the designated locations. The German forces comprise seven armies (8th Army is forming in East Prussia), arranged north (1st Army) to south (7th Army). It is 1st Army (General Alexander von Kluck) and 2nd Army (General Karl von Bülow) that carries the main burden of executing the Schlieffen Plan. On the French side five armies assemble, arranged south (1st Army) to north (5th Army). The first four armies are assigned the primary responsibility for executing Plan XVII, the French war plan, which prescribes an invasion of Germany. The tiny Belgian army of six divisions assembles just east of Louvain. For both the Germans and French, it will take several days until the process of mobilization is complete and the armies are ready to begin their advance. For both countries, the initiation of hostilities will consist of a massive offensive - the Germans through Belgium, and the French through German-held Alsace and Lorraine. Both also expect the successful execution of their war plans to bring about a rapid end to the war in victory. Both sides, believing in the superiority of their arms and their cause, believe that none can stand before them, and that their enemies will be swept away.
- At 6am, the German ambassador delivers a note to the Belgian government, informing it that due to their rejection of the German proposals, the German army will take all necessary measures, including the use of force. The Germans remain hopeful that the Belgians will not resist their invasion. Moltke in Berlin believes that after a token resistance to satisfy honour, the Belgians will stand aside. This is wishful thinking - nothing would suit the Germans more than for the Belgians not to resist, so that is what they expect will happen. As with much that occurs in these first days of the war, they are incorrect.
- The first stage of the Schlieffen Plan is the capture and destruction of the large fortifications around the Belgian town of Liège. Consisting of a dozen forts arranged in a circle around Liège on the Meuse Rivier, they are Belgium's primary defense against invasion from the East, and are widely considered to be near-impregnable. For the Germans, Liège falls directly in the line of advance of 1st and 2nd Armies. Due to a decision not to violate the neutrality of the Netherlands, there is no way around Liège, so the forts must be taken.
- The German invasion of Belgium begins just after 8am as German cavalry sweep forward to reconnoiter the Belgian countryside. Behind them march six brigades under the command of General Otto von Emmich. This task force has been specially-created to capture Liège as the rest of the German assembles. Approaching their objective, they realize that the bridges on the Meuse north and south of the town have been blown. When the Germans attempt to cross, they are surprised to come under heavy and sustained fire from Belgian defenders. By nightfall a German detachment has succeeded in crossing the Meuse north of the town, but to the south the Germans have been halted, while in the centre the bulk of Emmich's force has closed up to the four easternmost forts.
- The British government awaits confirmation of the German invasion of Belgium before issuing an ultimatum to Germany. When the news arrived of German forces crossing the border near Liège, the Cabinet meets at 11am, and decide to issue an ultimatum, expiring at midnight Berlin time, requiring Germany to withdraw from Belgium, or Britain would declare war. At 2pm Prime Minister Asquith makes his way to the House of Commons to announce the ultimatum. The streets are thronged with bystanders, cheering every minister (and many they mistake for ministers) they see.
- That afternoon the British ambassador delivers the ultimatum to Chancellor Bethmann-Holweg directly. The Chancellor is indignant at the British for entering the war over what he sees as the trivial matter of Belgian neutrality. He berates the ambassador, and that all of the horrors of war to ensue will be the fault of the British, and 'all for just a word - "neutrality" - just for a scrap of paper.' Little does Bethmann-Hollweg suspect that he has given Entente propagandists a coup - the phrase 'scrap of paper' will become infamous, and tar Germany's name around the world.
- In Berlin the deputies of the Reichstag hear an address by the Kaiser, who again emphasizes national solidarity in wartime - 'From this day on I recognize no parties but only Germans!' At 3pm the deputies reconvene and after a speech by the Chancellor, assigning blame for the war solely on the Entente powers. Afterwards the Reichstag unanimously approves the package of war credits to finance the war, including a short-term credit of 5 billion marks, the suspension of convertibility of bank notes to gold (to allow greater control over the amount of notes in circulation, as they no longer have to be tied to gold deposits) and the creation of special loan banks for the private sector, freeing the Reichsbank to focus on the financing of the war effort. At the conclusion of business, the Reichstag votes itself out of session for four months, by which time it is generally expected that the war will be over.
- At a joint session of the Senate and Chamber in Paris this afternoon, an address by President Raymond Poincarè is read (the President is barred by law from appearing before the Chamber). He concludes:
Just as elsewhere, the sacred union is a rallying cry for all Frenchmen to set aside the regular divisions of peacetime and join as one to defeat France's enemies. It is a potent argument in the frenzied atmosphere of the first days of August - now comes the collision of such idealism with the realities of modern warfare.
- As the hours ticked down to the expiry of the British ultimatum to Germany, Prime Minister Asquith appoints Lord Kitchener to the post of Secretary of State for War. The post had been vacant since March due to the resignation of the prior Secretary over the 'Curragh Mutiny', when some British officers refused orders they perceived would require them to suppress Ulster Unionists in the ongoing Irish crisis. For the past several days Asquith has acted as Secretary of State for War, but a permanent appointment is obviously desirable. The selection of Kitchener is a bold choice - he was the first serving officer to sit in the British Cabinet since 1660. When the decision was made he was about to return to Egypt where he was serving as Consul-General - the order to return to London reaches him aboard a Channel steamer just as it was about to depart for the Continent. Kitchener had not wanted the appointment - he was contemptuous of both War Office officials and politicians who thought they knew more about military operations than professionals - and the rest of the Cabinet was not enthusiastic about his presence. What Kitchener brought to the appointment, however, outweighed the disadvantages. He was arguably Britain's most famous soldier in 1914 - he had a long history of service throughout the Empire, including wars in the Sudan and South Africa. His appointment lent instant gravitas to the Liberal government, giving it credibility in the management of military affairs that it would not otherwise have had. It also sets the stage for epic clashes between civilian and military leadership of the war.
- In a statement to a private meeting of bankers and businessmen Lloyd George reassures them that it will be 'business as usual' regarding the economy - government intervention will be minimized, so there is no need for panic or hasty withdrawal of funds. The slogan will become famous as a description of the British approach to the wartime economy in the early stages of the conflict, but right from the start some 'unusual' measures were being taken. This day also sees the British government taking over the management of the nation's railways, to ensure efficient distribution of war material and food. Railway owners were only the first to see how 'unusual' the economy could become in wartime.
- In the pre-dawn hours, two warships steam westwards from Sicily, lights out to prevent identification. They are German - the modern battlecruiser Goeben and the light cruiser Breslau. Assigned to the Mediterranean since 1912, the two warships comprise the entirety of Germany's naval presence in the area. This morning they are sailing towards the Algerian coast, hoping to intercept French troopships carrying reinforcements from Algeria to metropolitan France. At 235 am, the German commander, Rear Admiral Wilhelm Souchon, receives a telegram instructing him to sail to Constantinople, to reinforce the secret German-Ottoman treaty of August 2nd. Almost at the Algerian coast, he continues westward until he reaches Philippeville, which he then subjected to a token bombardment. Having made his appearance, he turns back eastwards - he intends to coal at Messina before continuing to Constantinople.
The presence of Souchon's warships is well-known to the Entente. With the French fleet tied down escorting troopships, it is the Royal Navy that takes on the responsibility of tracking down and sinking Goeben and Breslau. The British Mediterranean Fleet is superior to the German force, consisting of three battlecruisers, four old armoured cruisers, four modern light cruisers, and a flotilla of destroyers. Two of the battlecruisers - Indefatigable and Indomitable - sailing westward sight Souchon's force approaching them just after 1030am. Though war between the two countries now appears inevitable, it has formally not yet begun, so the German and British warships pass each other 8000 yards apart, all at battle stations but without training their guns on the other. After, the two British battlecruisers swing around and follow Goeben and Breslau as they continue eastward. The British hope to keep the Germans in sight until war is declared, when they can open fire. Souchon, of course, wants to escape before this can happen, and he pushes his ships as fast as they can go. Fortunately for Souchon, their fastest is just a bit faster than the British ships. By 4pm, Goeben was slipping out of sight in the haze of the horizon. By 730pm, all that could be seen was smoke in the distance, and by nightfall even that sign had disappeared. The British ships are forced to call off the chase just before 10pm. Goeben and Breslau have escaped, and none to soon - the British ultimatum to Germany expires in two hours.
- In the last minutes before the expiry of the ultimatum at 11pm London time, the British Cabinet meets at Downing Street, awaiting expiry or a last-minute telephone call. Outside a massive crowd can be heard singing 'God Save the King'. Suddenly the chimes of Big Ben sound, signalling 11pm. When the last 'Boom!' echoes away, Great Britain is at war with Germany.
- On the Western Front the great armies of France and Germany assemble. Hundreds of thousands of soldiers, with their equipment and supplies, are brought like clockwork to the designated locations. The German forces comprise seven armies (8th Army is forming in East Prussia), arranged north (1st Army) to south (7th Army). It is 1st Army (General Alexander von Kluck) and 2nd Army (General Karl von Bülow) that carries the main burden of executing the Schlieffen Plan. On the French side five armies assemble, arranged south (1st Army) to north (5th Army). The first four armies are assigned the primary responsibility for executing Plan XVII, the French war plan, which prescribes an invasion of Germany. The tiny Belgian army of six divisions assembles just east of Louvain. For both the Germans and French, it will take several days until the process of mobilization is complete and the armies are ready to begin their advance. For both countries, the initiation of hostilities will consist of a massive offensive - the Germans through Belgium, and the French through German-held Alsace and Lorraine. Both also expect the successful execution of their war plans to bring about a rapid end to the war in victory. Both sides, believing in the superiority of their arms and their cause, believe that none can stand before them, and that their enemies will be swept away.
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| French and German deployments on the Western Front at the start of the war. |
- At 6am, the German ambassador delivers a note to the Belgian government, informing it that due to their rejection of the German proposals, the German army will take all necessary measures, including the use of force. The Germans remain hopeful that the Belgians will not resist their invasion. Moltke in Berlin believes that after a token resistance to satisfy honour, the Belgians will stand aside. This is wishful thinking - nothing would suit the Germans more than for the Belgians not to resist, so that is what they expect will happen. As with much that occurs in these first days of the war, they are incorrect.
- The first stage of the Schlieffen Plan is the capture and destruction of the large fortifications around the Belgian town of Liège. Consisting of a dozen forts arranged in a circle around Liège on the Meuse Rivier, they are Belgium's primary defense against invasion from the East, and are widely considered to be near-impregnable. For the Germans, Liège falls directly in the line of advance of 1st and 2nd Armies. Due to a decision not to violate the neutrality of the Netherlands, there is no way around Liège, so the forts must be taken.
- The German invasion of Belgium begins just after 8am as German cavalry sweep forward to reconnoiter the Belgian countryside. Behind them march six brigades under the command of General Otto von Emmich. This task force has been specially-created to capture Liège as the rest of the German assembles. Approaching their objective, they realize that the bridges on the Meuse north and south of the town have been blown. When the Germans attempt to cross, they are surprised to come under heavy and sustained fire from Belgian defenders. By nightfall a German detachment has succeeded in crossing the Meuse north of the town, but to the south the Germans have been halted, while in the centre the bulk of Emmich's force has closed up to the four easternmost forts.
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| The Liège forts and the initial German advance, Aug. 4th, 1914. |
- The British government awaits confirmation of the German invasion of Belgium before issuing an ultimatum to Germany. When the news arrived of German forces crossing the border near Liège, the Cabinet meets at 11am, and decide to issue an ultimatum, expiring at midnight Berlin time, requiring Germany to withdraw from Belgium, or Britain would declare war. At 2pm Prime Minister Asquith makes his way to the House of Commons to announce the ultimatum. The streets are thronged with bystanders, cheering every minister (and many they mistake for ministers) they see.
- That afternoon the British ambassador delivers the ultimatum to Chancellor Bethmann-Holweg directly. The Chancellor is indignant at the British for entering the war over what he sees as the trivial matter of Belgian neutrality. He berates the ambassador, and that all of the horrors of war to ensue will be the fault of the British, and 'all for just a word - "neutrality" - just for a scrap of paper.' Little does Bethmann-Hollweg suspect that he has given Entente propagandists a coup - the phrase 'scrap of paper' will become infamous, and tar Germany's name around the world.
- In Berlin the deputies of the Reichstag hear an address by the Kaiser, who again emphasizes national solidarity in wartime - 'From this day on I recognize no parties but only Germans!' At 3pm the deputies reconvene and after a speech by the Chancellor, assigning blame for the war solely on the Entente powers. Afterwards the Reichstag unanimously approves the package of war credits to finance the war, including a short-term credit of 5 billion marks, the suspension of convertibility of bank notes to gold (to allow greater control over the amount of notes in circulation, as they no longer have to be tied to gold deposits) and the creation of special loan banks for the private sector, freeing the Reichsbank to focus on the financing of the war effort. At the conclusion of business, the Reichstag votes itself out of session for four months, by which time it is generally expected that the war will be over.
- At a joint session of the Senate and Chamber in Paris this afternoon, an address by President Raymond Poincarè is read (the President is barred by law from appearing before the Chamber). He concludes:
In the war which is beginning, France will have Right on her side, the eternal power of which cannot with impunity be disregarded by nations any more than by individuals. She will be heroically defended by all her sons; nothing will break their sacred union before the enemy; today they are joined together as brothers in a common indignation against the aggressor, and in a common patriotic faith. She is faithfully helped by Russia, her ally ; she is supported by the loyal friendship of Great Britain. And already from every part of the civilised world sympathy and good wishes are coming to her. For today once again she stands before the universe for Liberty, Justice, and Reason. Haut les coeurs et vive la France!
Just as elsewhere, the sacred union is a rallying cry for all Frenchmen to set aside the regular divisions of peacetime and join as one to defeat France's enemies. It is a potent argument in the frenzied atmosphere of the first days of August - now comes the collision of such idealism with the realities of modern warfare.
- As the hours ticked down to the expiry of the British ultimatum to Germany, Prime Minister Asquith appoints Lord Kitchener to the post of Secretary of State for War. The post had been vacant since March due to the resignation of the prior Secretary over the 'Curragh Mutiny', when some British officers refused orders they perceived would require them to suppress Ulster Unionists in the ongoing Irish crisis. For the past several days Asquith has acted as Secretary of State for War, but a permanent appointment is obviously desirable. The selection of Kitchener is a bold choice - he was the first serving officer to sit in the British Cabinet since 1660. When the decision was made he was about to return to Egypt where he was serving as Consul-General - the order to return to London reaches him aboard a Channel steamer just as it was about to depart for the Continent. Kitchener had not wanted the appointment - he was contemptuous of both War Office officials and politicians who thought they knew more about military operations than professionals - and the rest of the Cabinet was not enthusiastic about his presence. What Kitchener brought to the appointment, however, outweighed the disadvantages. He was arguably Britain's most famous soldier in 1914 - he had a long history of service throughout the Empire, including wars in the Sudan and South Africa. His appointment lent instant gravitas to the Liberal government, giving it credibility in the management of military affairs that it would not otherwise have had. It also sets the stage for epic clashes between civilian and military leadership of the war.
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| The face of Kitchener, with its distinctive moustache, would be ubiquitous on recruiting posters throughout Britain. |
- In the pre-dawn hours, two warships steam westwards from Sicily, lights out to prevent identification. They are German - the modern battlecruiser Goeben and the light cruiser Breslau. Assigned to the Mediterranean since 1912, the two warships comprise the entirety of Germany's naval presence in the area. This morning they are sailing towards the Algerian coast, hoping to intercept French troopships carrying reinforcements from Algeria to metropolitan France. At 235 am, the German commander, Rear Admiral Wilhelm Souchon, receives a telegram instructing him to sail to Constantinople, to reinforce the secret German-Ottoman treaty of August 2nd. Almost at the Algerian coast, he continues westward until he reaches Philippeville, which he then subjected to a token bombardment. Having made his appearance, he turns back eastwards - he intends to coal at Messina before continuing to Constantinople.
The presence of Souchon's warships is well-known to the Entente. With the French fleet tied down escorting troopships, it is the Royal Navy that takes on the responsibility of tracking down and sinking Goeben and Breslau. The British Mediterranean Fleet is superior to the German force, consisting of three battlecruisers, four old armoured cruisers, four modern light cruisers, and a flotilla of destroyers. Two of the battlecruisers - Indefatigable and Indomitable - sailing westward sight Souchon's force approaching them just after 1030am. Though war between the two countries now appears inevitable, it has formally not yet begun, so the German and British warships pass each other 8000 yards apart, all at battle stations but without training their guns on the other. After, the two British battlecruisers swing around and follow Goeben and Breslau as they continue eastward. The British hope to keep the Germans in sight until war is declared, when they can open fire. Souchon, of course, wants to escape before this can happen, and he pushes his ships as fast as they can go. Fortunately for Souchon, their fastest is just a bit faster than the British ships. By 4pm, Goeben was slipping out of sight in the haze of the horizon. By 730pm, all that could be seen was smoke in the distance, and by nightfall even that sign had disappeared. The British ships are forced to call off the chase just before 10pm. Goeben and Breslau have escaped, and none to soon - the British ultimatum to Germany expires in two hours.
- In the last minutes before the expiry of the ultimatum at 11pm London time, the British Cabinet meets at Downing Street, awaiting expiry or a last-minute telephone call. Outside a massive crowd can be heard singing 'God Save the King'. Suddenly the chimes of Big Ben sound, signalling 11pm. When the last 'Boom!' echoes away, Great Britain is at war with Germany.
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| Crowds outside Buckingham Palace cheer the declaration of war against Germany. |
Saturday, August 02, 2014
August 2nd, 1914
- In many of the larger cities of Europe, enormous crowds form, in part to celebrate the coming of war (in the belief it will be both short and glorious), in part to learn the latest news, and in part simply to be present at the most important moment of their nation's lives. In St. Petersburg, crowds gather in the Winter Palace Square, waving flags and portraits of the Tsar. When Nicholas II appears on the palace balcony, the entire crowd kneels and sings the national anthem. Images of these crowds are among the most famous of the war, seen as a poignant reminder of the hopes and optimism that many embraced in August 1914, in stark contrast to the horrors to come. Not everyone, though, shares this war enthusiasm. These crowds are urban and disproportionately middle-class. In rural Europe, the coming of war is greeted with much more reserve - through conscription peasants were more familiar with army life than their urban middle-class counterparts, and thus they do not share the latter's romantic and idealist view of war.
- In France, the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT), representing the trade union movement in the country, calls on its members to support the government and mobilization. This is a dramatic about-face for the CGT - it had long embraced revolutionary syndicalism and pacifism, and its stance had long been that if war ever appeared likely a general strike was to be called to ensure the maintenance of peace. This about-face is a product of several factors. First, the death of Jaurès has robbed the movement of a key voice at the moment of crisis. Second, many of the urban working-class prove susceptible to the call of nationalism - forced to choose, most feel greater loyalty to other classes in France than their working-class compatriots in Germany. Third, the war can be seen in terms favourable to the left - in this light, Imperial Germany is an autocratic and feudal remnant, which the war will sweep away. Finally, the very speed of the crisis has prevented coordinated action - as late as the 30th, Jaurès himself was suggesting that the crisis would blow over. Even if the workers had wanted to go on strike to prevent the war, there was hardly time to have organized such a move.
- As part of German mobilization, the first trains, each with fifty-four cars, cross the Hohenzollern Bridge over the Rhine River. Over the next sixteen days, 2150 such trains are scheduled to use the bridge.
- After the debacle of the 1st, Luxembourg is fully occupied today, the Germans meeting no significant resistance.
- A strange scene at Armstrong's Elswick shipbuilding yard on the Tyne in northern England. In the yard lies the dreadnought Sultan Osman I, built by Armstrong under contract for the Ottoman Empire. It was one of two dreadnoughts ordered by the Ottomans from British shipyards - the other, Reshadieh, had been completed just weeks earlier, while Sultan Osman I was awaiting the last of its 12-inch guns. An Ottoman steamer had arrived in England on July 27th, carrying 500 sailors for the voyage to Constantinople. The two dreadnoughts were to form the backbone of the otherwise-antiquated Ottoman navy. They had cost the impoverished nation almost £6 million, and had been paid for through extra taxes, donations from villagers, and deductions from the salaries of civil servants. The two were seen as a point of pride by the Ottoman people, a symbol that their much-battered nation was still a Great Power, despite the recent loss of Libya and most of its Balkan territories.
The ships will never reach Constantinople. The focus of Churchill and the Admiralty is on the possibility of war with Germany, the latter having the second-largest navy in the world. In a war at sea, the crucial measurement of strength was the number of dreadnoughts one could deploy. While the Royal Navy had more than Germany, the margin was not overwhelming, and so Churchill had decided that, in this moment of crisis, Britain needed to confiscate the Ottoman dreadnoughts to add to the British margin of superiority at sea. Thus the yard sees the odd sight of a detachment of the Sherwood Foresters Regiments, bayonets fixed, boarding Sultan Osman I, in order to prevent the Ottoman sailors from taking possession. Though Churchill offers compensation, the Ottoman government is both offended and indignant at the British action.
- The seizure of Sultan Osman I and Reshadieh happens the same day that secret negotiations are concluded between the Ottoman Empire and Germany. Prior to the July crisis, the Ottomans had sought alliances with the Great Powers of Europe, both for defending the tottering empire as well as regaining lost territories in the Balkans. None had taken the Ottomans up on their offer - the Ottoman Empire had long been described as the 'Sick Man of Europe,' whose decline appeared to be terminal. Its military was ineffective, its economy backwards, and was reliant on foreign investment for any significant industrial growth. Their most recent alliance offer, made by Grand Vizier Said Halim and Enver Pasha, had been sent to Germany on July 22nd, one day before the Austro-Hungarian ultimatum was delivered to Serbia. While previously the Germans had viewed the Ottomans as militarily useless, the prospect of a general European war changed perspectives. Suddenly, the prospect emerged of using the Ottomans to distract the British and the Russians, drawing some of their forces away from the more vital battlefields in Europe. Though war with Russia was not the original intent of Enver and the Grand Vizier, they were willing to accept the terms, believing the war would be short, and offered the potential of German aid if other Great Powers attempted to partition the Ottoman Empire. Thus a secret defensive alliance is signed between Germany and the Ottoman Empire this day. It does not immediately lead to the Ottomans entering the war, however, for the negotiations have been kept from most of the Ottoman cabinet by Enver, and it would not be easy to convince the others of the necessity of entering the war. Further, the Ottoman military remained a shambles - it would take months of mobilization before they would be able to threaten their neighbours. Still, having negotiated the alliance, the Germans are now eager to make the Ottomans co-belligerents.
- At 7pm, the German ambassador to Belgium delivers an ultimatum to the Foreign Office in Brussels. It had been in the ambassador's safe since its arrival by special courier on July 29th, having been drafted personally by Moltke on the 26th. The note stated that the Germans had indications the French intended to invade Belgium to attack the German army - obvious misinformation without considering that Moltke must have had a 'premonition' of the 'indications' a week earlier. It goes on to state that, given the obvious inability of the Belgian army to defend itself, it would be necessary for the German army to move into Belgium to block the French 'advance'. Emphasis was placed on the benign nature of this intervention, pledging to restore Belgian independence as soon as the war was over. However, if Belgium resisted, the country would be seen as an enemy, and dealt with militarily. Finally, a answer was demanded within twelve hours.
The ultimatum was a central component of the Schlieffen Plan, and it was hoped that Belgium would stand aside as the Germans marched through. Indeed, Moltke could not imagine the tiny army of Belgium offering anything more than token resistance - surely they understood that active resistance meant annihilation. So much the better if the pesky neutral adopted the proper attitude to Germany.
- There are two Cabinet meetings held in London today to discuss the ongoing crisis. Grey is finally able to win agreement for a declaration that the Royal Navy will not allow the German fleet to pass into the Channel and bombard French ports unmolested. Though this is a step towards war, it is still a very small one, and Grey continues to emphasize to the French ambassador that further commitments are not inevitable. Even this decision comes at the cost of two resignations, and it is apparent that the middle group in Cabinet is still unwilling to go any further in the direction of intervention. That afternoon a communication from the leaders of the opposition Conservative party emphasize their support for intervention and their willingness to join a coalition government. This adds a party dimension to the crisis - this is a Liberal government, and ministers do not want to make way for Conservatives who would be even more energetic and aggressive in prosecuting the war. Thus a desire to keep the Conservatives out is one small addition to the scale in favour of intervention.
That evening, Grey is informed by telegram of the German ultimatum to Belgium. He immediately meets with Prime Minister Asquith, who agrees to order immediate mobilization of the British army. An invasion of Belgium might now bring unity to a Liberal government that remains badly divided over the war. The British government now awaits word of the Belgian response - they can hardly enter the war in defense of Belgian independence if the Belgians themselves are not willing to defend themselves. Will tiny Belgium stand in the way of the German behemoth?
- At 9pm, the Belgian Council of State convenes, presided over by King Albert. Discussing the matter for the next three hours, there was no serious consideration given to accepting the German ultimatum. No faith was placed in the assurance that in victory Germany would evacuate Belgium - it was generally believed that once the Germans were allowed into the country, they would never leave. Both the King and the ministers also had no illusions regarding the consequences of resistance - the Belgian army was hopelessly overmatched, and at best could hope to slow the German steamroller. However, as Baron de Bassompierre recorded, 'If we are to be crushed, let us be crushed gloriously.' The meeting adjourns at midnight to allow the Prime Minister, the Foreign Minister, and the Justice Minister to draft the reply.
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| A jubilant crowd in Munich on August 2nd, among whom is one particularly infamous figure. |
- In France, the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT), representing the trade union movement in the country, calls on its members to support the government and mobilization. This is a dramatic about-face for the CGT - it had long embraced revolutionary syndicalism and pacifism, and its stance had long been that if war ever appeared likely a general strike was to be called to ensure the maintenance of peace. This about-face is a product of several factors. First, the death of Jaurès has robbed the movement of a key voice at the moment of crisis. Second, many of the urban working-class prove susceptible to the call of nationalism - forced to choose, most feel greater loyalty to other classes in France than their working-class compatriots in Germany. Third, the war can be seen in terms favourable to the left - in this light, Imperial Germany is an autocratic and feudal remnant, which the war will sweep away. Finally, the very speed of the crisis has prevented coordinated action - as late as the 30th, Jaurès himself was suggesting that the crisis would blow over. Even if the workers had wanted to go on strike to prevent the war, there was hardly time to have organized such a move.
- As part of German mobilization, the first trains, each with fifty-four cars, cross the Hohenzollern Bridge over the Rhine River. Over the next sixteen days, 2150 such trains are scheduled to use the bridge.
- After the debacle of the 1st, Luxembourg is fully occupied today, the Germans meeting no significant resistance.
- A strange scene at Armstrong's Elswick shipbuilding yard on the Tyne in northern England. In the yard lies the dreadnought Sultan Osman I, built by Armstrong under contract for the Ottoman Empire. It was one of two dreadnoughts ordered by the Ottomans from British shipyards - the other, Reshadieh, had been completed just weeks earlier, while Sultan Osman I was awaiting the last of its 12-inch guns. An Ottoman steamer had arrived in England on July 27th, carrying 500 sailors for the voyage to Constantinople. The two dreadnoughts were to form the backbone of the otherwise-antiquated Ottoman navy. They had cost the impoverished nation almost £6 million, and had been paid for through extra taxes, donations from villagers, and deductions from the salaries of civil servants. The two were seen as a point of pride by the Ottoman people, a symbol that their much-battered nation was still a Great Power, despite the recent loss of Libya and most of its Balkan territories.
The ships will never reach Constantinople. The focus of Churchill and the Admiralty is on the possibility of war with Germany, the latter having the second-largest navy in the world. In a war at sea, the crucial measurement of strength was the number of dreadnoughts one could deploy. While the Royal Navy had more than Germany, the margin was not overwhelming, and so Churchill had decided that, in this moment of crisis, Britain needed to confiscate the Ottoman dreadnoughts to add to the British margin of superiority at sea. Thus the yard sees the odd sight of a detachment of the Sherwood Foresters Regiments, bayonets fixed, boarding Sultan Osman I, in order to prevent the Ottoman sailors from taking possession. Though Churchill offers compensation, the Ottoman government is both offended and indignant at the British action.
- The seizure of Sultan Osman I and Reshadieh happens the same day that secret negotiations are concluded between the Ottoman Empire and Germany. Prior to the July crisis, the Ottomans had sought alliances with the Great Powers of Europe, both for defending the tottering empire as well as regaining lost territories in the Balkans. None had taken the Ottomans up on their offer - the Ottoman Empire had long been described as the 'Sick Man of Europe,' whose decline appeared to be terminal. Its military was ineffective, its economy backwards, and was reliant on foreign investment for any significant industrial growth. Their most recent alliance offer, made by Grand Vizier Said Halim and Enver Pasha, had been sent to Germany on July 22nd, one day before the Austro-Hungarian ultimatum was delivered to Serbia. While previously the Germans had viewed the Ottomans as militarily useless, the prospect of a general European war changed perspectives. Suddenly, the prospect emerged of using the Ottomans to distract the British and the Russians, drawing some of their forces away from the more vital battlefields in Europe. Though war with Russia was not the original intent of Enver and the Grand Vizier, they were willing to accept the terms, believing the war would be short, and offered the potential of German aid if other Great Powers attempted to partition the Ottoman Empire. Thus a secret defensive alliance is signed between Germany and the Ottoman Empire this day. It does not immediately lead to the Ottomans entering the war, however, for the negotiations have been kept from most of the Ottoman cabinet by Enver, and it would not be easy to convince the others of the necessity of entering the war. Further, the Ottoman military remained a shambles - it would take months of mobilization before they would be able to threaten their neighbours. Still, having negotiated the alliance, the Germans are now eager to make the Ottomans co-belligerents.
- At 7pm, the German ambassador to Belgium delivers an ultimatum to the Foreign Office in Brussels. It had been in the ambassador's safe since its arrival by special courier on July 29th, having been drafted personally by Moltke on the 26th. The note stated that the Germans had indications the French intended to invade Belgium to attack the German army - obvious misinformation without considering that Moltke must have had a 'premonition' of the 'indications' a week earlier. It goes on to state that, given the obvious inability of the Belgian army to defend itself, it would be necessary for the German army to move into Belgium to block the French 'advance'. Emphasis was placed on the benign nature of this intervention, pledging to restore Belgian independence as soon as the war was over. However, if Belgium resisted, the country would be seen as an enemy, and dealt with militarily. Finally, a answer was demanded within twelve hours.
The ultimatum was a central component of the Schlieffen Plan, and it was hoped that Belgium would stand aside as the Germans marched through. Indeed, Moltke could not imagine the tiny army of Belgium offering anything more than token resistance - surely they understood that active resistance meant annihilation. So much the better if the pesky neutral adopted the proper attitude to Germany.
- There are two Cabinet meetings held in London today to discuss the ongoing crisis. Grey is finally able to win agreement for a declaration that the Royal Navy will not allow the German fleet to pass into the Channel and bombard French ports unmolested. Though this is a step towards war, it is still a very small one, and Grey continues to emphasize to the French ambassador that further commitments are not inevitable. Even this decision comes at the cost of two resignations, and it is apparent that the middle group in Cabinet is still unwilling to go any further in the direction of intervention. That afternoon a communication from the leaders of the opposition Conservative party emphasize their support for intervention and their willingness to join a coalition government. This adds a party dimension to the crisis - this is a Liberal government, and ministers do not want to make way for Conservatives who would be even more energetic and aggressive in prosecuting the war. Thus a desire to keep the Conservatives out is one small addition to the scale in favour of intervention.
That evening, Grey is informed by telegram of the German ultimatum to Belgium. He immediately meets with Prime Minister Asquith, who agrees to order immediate mobilization of the British army. An invasion of Belgium might now bring unity to a Liberal government that remains badly divided over the war. The British government now awaits word of the Belgian response - they can hardly enter the war in defense of Belgian independence if the Belgians themselves are not willing to defend themselves. Will tiny Belgium stand in the way of the German behemoth?
- At 9pm, the Belgian Council of State convenes, presided over by King Albert. Discussing the matter for the next three hours, there was no serious consideration given to accepting the German ultimatum. No faith was placed in the assurance that in victory Germany would evacuate Belgium - it was generally believed that once the Germans were allowed into the country, they would never leave. Both the King and the ministers also had no illusions regarding the consequences of resistance - the Belgian army was hopelessly overmatched, and at best could hope to slow the German steamroller. However, as Baron de Bassompierre recorded, 'If we are to be crushed, let us be crushed gloriously.' The meeting adjourns at midnight to allow the Prime Minister, the Foreign Minister, and the Justice Minister to draft the reply.
Friday, August 01, 2014
August 1st, 1914
- At noon, the German ultimatum to Russia expires without a response. The response of the German government follows through on the logic of 'mobilization means war', as given in the ultimatum, and instructs its ambassador to call on Foreign Minister Sazonov and deliver a declaration of war. He does so at 710pm, and after a sharp exchange over honour, the German ambassador breaks down and weeps, his diplomatic efforts at an end. Sazonov pats the ambassador on the shoulder and helps him on his way.
- Kaiser Wilhelm II signs the order for mobilization of the German army at 5pm, and the decision is made public shortly thereafter. That afternoon the Kaiser appears at the balcony of the Royal Palace in Berlin, and briefly addresses the assembled crowd:
- At 11am, the German ambassador in Paris arrives at the French Foreign Office, requesting a reply to the German ultimatum of the previous day. In his anxiety he is two hours early, though he knows the likely outcome of the meeting. Premier René Viviani replies that 'France will act in accordance with her interests.' To the ambassador, and indeed to the German government in Berlin, this is a clear statement that France will stand by its Russian ally.
Viviani had left a Cabinet meeting to meet with the German ambassador, and when he returns they decide to approve the formal request from Jospeh Joffre for mobilization of the French army. At 4pm, mobilization is publicly announced, to begin the following day.
- In London the government remains divided. In Cabinet Churchill and Grey are the leading advocates for British coming to the aid of the French, but they are faced by a solid phalanx of opponents, while a middle group, among whom was the Chancellor of the Exchequer, David Lloyd George, wavers. When Churchill requests permission to mobilize the naval reserves, the Cabinet declines. When Grey asks to implement the secret naval guarantees made to France in peacetime - namely, that the French fleet will concentrate in the Mediterranean while the Royal Navy protects the Channel - four ministers state they would resign rather than approve such a course. The issue of Belgium comes to the fore - Britain is pledged by a treaty signed in 1839 to defend it. A German invasion of Belgium might sway the wavers in the Cabinet - it is easier to justify war if it is seen as being on behalf of the small and defenceless, and the navy does not want to see its ports in German hands. The conversation devolves into a discussion of what constitutes a 'violation' of Belgium neutrality. Tracing a line on a map, Lloyd George suggests it would only be 'a little violation' if German forces merely cut through the southeast corner of Belgium, as opposed to invading the entirety. The Cabinet meeting ends with no resignations, and no decisions. Despite his own preferences, Grey tells the French ambassador that France must make its decision on war or peace without assuming that British aid will be forthcoming. The French ambassador is despondent - to the editor of the Times, he remarks whether the word 'honour' has been striken from the English dictionary.
That evening Churchill is at the Admiralty, entertaining friends among the Opposition. As they play cards, a message arrives that Germany has declared war on Russia. He immediately leaves the Admiralty and crosses Horse Guards Parade to Downing Street, where he finds Prime Minister Asquith with Grey, the Lord Chancellor, and the Secretary of State for India. Churchill told them he intended to order mobilization of the naval reserves, despite the Cabinet's decision of that afternoon. Asquith says nothing, which Churchill takes as silent consent, and he departs to issue the orders.
- A day of dramatic developments conclude in Berlin. Shortly after 5pm, a telegram arrives in Berlin from the German ambassador in London, reporting a conversation with Sir Edward Grey in which the latter pledged to guarantee the neutrality of France in a Russo-German war if Germany refrained from attacking France. The statement is as a lifeline to a drowning man for the Kaiser. He is desperate to avoid a two-front war, and the offer of Grey suggests that the war can be confined to the East, where German strength ought to overwhelm Russian numbers. Moltke, the signed order for mobilization in hand, has left the palace in Potsdam, driving back to General Staff Headquarters in Berlin. An aide to the Kaiser is instructed to race after Moltke, insisting on his return. When Moltke arrives back at the palace, the Kaiser informs him of the offer from Grey, and states: 'Now we can go to war against Russia only. We simply march the whole of our army to the East.'
Moltke could hardly have been more startled if the Kaiser had sprouted wings and flew out of the palace. The German army in 1914 has exactly one war plan: the Schlieffen Plan. Designed to ensure victory against the Franco-Russian alliance, it was created by General Alfred von Schlieffen, Chief of Staff of the German Army from 1891 to 1905. Schlieffen, who died in 1913, had sought a way to avoid a prolonged war of attrition on two fronts, which Germany was likely to lose. His solution rested on the nature of his enemies. France was compact, like Germany, and could be expected to mobilize rapidly on the outbreak of war. Russia was a vast landscape, and with fewer railroads it was expected that it would take them much longer to mobilize. Schlieffen perceived that this Russian delay created a window of opportunity, in which Germany could attack France before Russia was prepared to invade from the East. Thus the imperative was to force the surrender of France before Russia could attack. Schlieffen understand that a frontal assault along the Franco-German border was unlikely to produce a decisive result, given the rough terrain and the numerous French fortifications. The solution was as simple and elegant as it was profound - go around them. Instead, of attack France directly, the bulk of the German army would be sent through Belgium, where little resistance was expected, and descend on France from the north. As most of the French armies would be on the Franco-German frontier, there would be practically nothing stopped the German army from sweeping through France from the north and delivering the knockout blow. The expectation was that Paris would fall and the decisive battle defeating the French army would occur within forty days of German mobilization. Indeed, forty days was the time limit, as afterwards the Russians would be sufficiently prepared to invade Germany, and if the bulk of the German army was still in France, there would be little stopping the Russians from sweeping through eastern Germany to the gates of Berlin. The plan was immensely intricate, with each German corps assigned particular roads for the march through Belgium into France. A precise timeline required the strictest adherence in order to ensure victory within the forty day limit. It was an immense gamble, one of the greatest in military history. Success, and Germany would crush its enemies and ensure its dominance of Europe. Failure, and Germany faced ruin and defeat.
These were the stakes when Moltke was confronted with the Kaiser's suggestion to only attack Russia. Not only was it the German plan for war, it was the only plan for war. While the General Staff had maintained a plan for a war against Russia only, they had stopped updating it in April 1913 and had discarded it entirely. Thus for Moltke, the only way Germany can fight a war is to attack France first. It didn't matter that France had nothing to do with the original dispute - the plan said to attack France, so France would be attacked. To do anything else is simply impossible - Moltke has visions of the entire strategy for the war collapsing to pieces, units separated from each other, massive confusion on the railways, supplies delivered to the wrong places. He begs the Kaiser to change his mind. To change the plan for war at the last minute cannot be done - the schedules are too precise to allow for any deviation. He argues, 'If Your Majesty insists on leading the whole army to the East it will not be an army ready for battle but a disorganized mob.'
The Kaiser is not used to hearing 'no'. In reproach he tells Moltke bitterly 'Your uncle would have given me a different answer.' The criticism shatters Moltke's confidence - he has lived his entire life in his uncle's shadow, and at the supreme moment of his career he is told he does not measure up. He returns to the General Staff Headquarters and bursts into tears.
The first stage of the Schlieffen Plan is to seize tiny Luxembourg, whose railways would be essential to the invasions. A detachment of the 16th Division is assigned to cross the border at 7pm. The Kaiser personally sends the order to halt the move, still hoping to avoid war with France at the last moment. The result is a farce. One German column does not receive the order in time, and as per its instructions seizes the town of Ulflingen with its key railway connections at 7pm. Thirty minutes later, another detachment arrives by automobile, instructing the first column to return to Germany. Thus the first German invasion of the war ends in an attempt to pretend the whole thing was a mistake and never happened. The Luxembourgers are not fooled - the Minister of State promptly informs the British and French of the invasion.
Later that evening, another telegram arrives from the German ambassador in London, stating that he had misunderstood the earlier conversation with Grey and that no offer of French neutrality was on the table. The straw the Kaiser had clutched at disappears from his hand. At 11pm Moltke is instructed to return to the palace. The Kaiser greets his Chief of Staff with a military overcoat over his nightshirt, states bitterly, 'Now you can do what you like', and promptly returns to bed. Moltke returns to General Staff Headquarters, to resume the implementation of the Schlieffen Plan, beginning with an order for the 're-invasion' of Luxembourg at midnight. Germany thus enters the war with commander of its armed forces, the man tasked to ensure victory by the precise implementation of the only war plan Germany has, having had his self-confidence thoroughly crushed.
- Kaiser Wilhelm II signs the order for mobilization of the German army at 5pm, and the decision is made public shortly thereafter. That afternoon the Kaiser appears at the balcony of the Royal Palace in Berlin, and briefly addresses the assembled crowd:
I thank all of you for the love and loyalty that you have shown me these past days. These were serious days, like seldom before. Should it now come to a battle, then there will be no more political parties. I, too, was attacked by the one or the other party. That was in peace. I forgive you now from the depths of my heart. I no longer recognize any parties or any confessions; today we are all German brothers and only German brothers. If our neighbors want it no other way, if our neighbors do not grant us peace, then I hope to God that our good German sword will see us through to victory in these difficult battles.It was one of the first expressions of the common sentiment in the first days of the war, that the onset of war had erased all distinctions of class, race, religion, etc. Each nation, it was believed, was now united by the crucible of war, each singularly devoted to surmounting the great challenge of the age. How long such unity could last in the face of modern warfare remains to be seen.
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| Kaiser Wilhelm II speaks from the balcony of the Royal Palace in Berlin, Aug. 1st, 1914. |
- At 11am, the German ambassador in Paris arrives at the French Foreign Office, requesting a reply to the German ultimatum of the previous day. In his anxiety he is two hours early, though he knows the likely outcome of the meeting. Premier René Viviani replies that 'France will act in accordance with her interests.' To the ambassador, and indeed to the German government in Berlin, this is a clear statement that France will stand by its Russian ally.
Viviani had left a Cabinet meeting to meet with the German ambassador, and when he returns they decide to approve the formal request from Jospeh Joffre for mobilization of the French army. At 4pm, mobilization is publicly announced, to begin the following day.
- In London the government remains divided. In Cabinet Churchill and Grey are the leading advocates for British coming to the aid of the French, but they are faced by a solid phalanx of opponents, while a middle group, among whom was the Chancellor of the Exchequer, David Lloyd George, wavers. When Churchill requests permission to mobilize the naval reserves, the Cabinet declines. When Grey asks to implement the secret naval guarantees made to France in peacetime - namely, that the French fleet will concentrate in the Mediterranean while the Royal Navy protects the Channel - four ministers state they would resign rather than approve such a course. The issue of Belgium comes to the fore - Britain is pledged by a treaty signed in 1839 to defend it. A German invasion of Belgium might sway the wavers in the Cabinet - it is easier to justify war if it is seen as being on behalf of the small and defenceless, and the navy does not want to see its ports in German hands. The conversation devolves into a discussion of what constitutes a 'violation' of Belgium neutrality. Tracing a line on a map, Lloyd George suggests it would only be 'a little violation' if German forces merely cut through the southeast corner of Belgium, as opposed to invading the entirety. The Cabinet meeting ends with no resignations, and no decisions. Despite his own preferences, Grey tells the French ambassador that France must make its decision on war or peace without assuming that British aid will be forthcoming. The French ambassador is despondent - to the editor of the Times, he remarks whether the word 'honour' has been striken from the English dictionary.
That evening Churchill is at the Admiralty, entertaining friends among the Opposition. As they play cards, a message arrives that Germany has declared war on Russia. He immediately leaves the Admiralty and crosses Horse Guards Parade to Downing Street, where he finds Prime Minister Asquith with Grey, the Lord Chancellor, and the Secretary of State for India. Churchill told them he intended to order mobilization of the naval reserves, despite the Cabinet's decision of that afternoon. Asquith says nothing, which Churchill takes as silent consent, and he departs to issue the orders.
- A day of dramatic developments conclude in Berlin. Shortly after 5pm, a telegram arrives in Berlin from the German ambassador in London, reporting a conversation with Sir Edward Grey in which the latter pledged to guarantee the neutrality of France in a Russo-German war if Germany refrained from attacking France. The statement is as a lifeline to a drowning man for the Kaiser. He is desperate to avoid a two-front war, and the offer of Grey suggests that the war can be confined to the East, where German strength ought to overwhelm Russian numbers. Moltke, the signed order for mobilization in hand, has left the palace in Potsdam, driving back to General Staff Headquarters in Berlin. An aide to the Kaiser is instructed to race after Moltke, insisting on his return. When Moltke arrives back at the palace, the Kaiser informs him of the offer from Grey, and states: 'Now we can go to war against Russia only. We simply march the whole of our army to the East.'
Moltke could hardly have been more startled if the Kaiser had sprouted wings and flew out of the palace. The German army in 1914 has exactly one war plan: the Schlieffen Plan. Designed to ensure victory against the Franco-Russian alliance, it was created by General Alfred von Schlieffen, Chief of Staff of the German Army from 1891 to 1905. Schlieffen, who died in 1913, had sought a way to avoid a prolonged war of attrition on two fronts, which Germany was likely to lose. His solution rested on the nature of his enemies. France was compact, like Germany, and could be expected to mobilize rapidly on the outbreak of war. Russia was a vast landscape, and with fewer railroads it was expected that it would take them much longer to mobilize. Schlieffen perceived that this Russian delay created a window of opportunity, in which Germany could attack France before Russia was prepared to invade from the East. Thus the imperative was to force the surrender of France before Russia could attack. Schlieffen understand that a frontal assault along the Franco-German border was unlikely to produce a decisive result, given the rough terrain and the numerous French fortifications. The solution was as simple and elegant as it was profound - go around them. Instead, of attack France directly, the bulk of the German army would be sent through Belgium, where little resistance was expected, and descend on France from the north. As most of the French armies would be on the Franco-German frontier, there would be practically nothing stopped the German army from sweeping through France from the north and delivering the knockout blow. The expectation was that Paris would fall and the decisive battle defeating the French army would occur within forty days of German mobilization. Indeed, forty days was the time limit, as afterwards the Russians would be sufficiently prepared to invade Germany, and if the bulk of the German army was still in France, there would be little stopping the Russians from sweeping through eastern Germany to the gates of Berlin. The plan was immensely intricate, with each German corps assigned particular roads for the march through Belgium into France. A precise timeline required the strictest adherence in order to ensure victory within the forty day limit. It was an immense gamble, one of the greatest in military history. Success, and Germany would crush its enemies and ensure its dominance of Europe. Failure, and Germany faced ruin and defeat.
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| The planned march of the German armies under the Schlieffen Plan. |
The Kaiser is not used to hearing 'no'. In reproach he tells Moltke bitterly 'Your uncle would have given me a different answer.' The criticism shatters Moltke's confidence - he has lived his entire life in his uncle's shadow, and at the supreme moment of his career he is told he does not measure up. He returns to the General Staff Headquarters and bursts into tears.
The first stage of the Schlieffen Plan is to seize tiny Luxembourg, whose railways would be essential to the invasions. A detachment of the 16th Division is assigned to cross the border at 7pm. The Kaiser personally sends the order to halt the move, still hoping to avoid war with France at the last moment. The result is a farce. One German column does not receive the order in time, and as per its instructions seizes the town of Ulflingen with its key railway connections at 7pm. Thirty minutes later, another detachment arrives by automobile, instructing the first column to return to Germany. Thus the first German invasion of the war ends in an attempt to pretend the whole thing was a mistake and never happened. The Luxembourgers are not fooled - the Minister of State promptly informs the British and French of the invasion.
Later that evening, another telegram arrives from the German ambassador in London, stating that he had misunderstood the earlier conversation with Grey and that no offer of French neutrality was on the table. The straw the Kaiser had clutched at disappears from his hand. At 11pm Moltke is instructed to return to the palace. The Kaiser greets his Chief of Staff with a military overcoat over his nightshirt, states bitterly, 'Now you can do what you like', and promptly returns to bed. Moltke returns to General Staff Headquarters, to resume the implementation of the Schlieffen Plan, beginning with an order for the 're-invasion' of Luxembourg at midnight. Germany thus enters the war with commander of its armed forces, the man tasked to ensure victory by the precise implementation of the only war plan Germany has, having had his self-confidence thoroughly crushed.
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