May 16th, 1915

- Realizing that Admiral Fisher is serious about resignation, Churchill visits the Prime Minister today.  He offers his own resignation, hoping for a vote of confidence from Asquith that will allow him to replace Fisher and continue as First Lord of the Admiralty.  This is exactly what Asquith gives him today, saying that he had not even thought of Churchill resigning.  Buoyed, the First Lord secures the agreement of Admiral Sir Arthur Wilson to replace Fisher as the First Sea Lord, and the other Sea Lords consent to remaining in office.  Churchill then prepares a parliamentary address for tomorrow's session to announce Fisher's resignation and defend his own conduct.  It is a speech, however, he will never get to deliver.

- General d'Urbal issues new orders for his 10th Army today, incorporating the revised instructions from General Foch.  He envisions a series of methodical attacks, each designed to seize a particular objective from which the next assaut would be launched, culminating with the seizure of Vimy Ridge.  In the centre, XXXIII Corps was to capture five points before launching its main attack on the village of Souchez, while XXI Corps had three positions of its own to occupy before assisting XXXIII Corps to seize Souchez.  The first of these attacks is scheduled to begin tomorrow.  On the German side, the units holding the line have gotten hopelessly mixed up over the past week, as companies and battalions have been sent haphazardly to plug gaps in the line and confront the main French assaults.  As such, most of the day is devoted to reorganizing the defence, and in particular to straightening out the chain of command for the artillery batteries so that each stretch of the front line had dedicated artillery support.  The battered 58th Division is also pulled out of the line, replaced by 16th Division.

To the north, the British 2nd Division launches an attack at dawn near Festubert, and a small amount of progress is made.  For the rest of the day British artillery pound the German lines, in preparation for another effort tomorrow.

- As a result of the success of the German offensive at Gorlice-Tarnow, the Russian line in central Poland has been pulled back, to avoid a gap opening between the Russian 4th Army, mostly north of the Vistula River, and 3rd Army to the south.  Following the Russians are the Austro-Hungarian 1st Army and an army group under German General Remus von Woyrsch composed of both German and Austro-Hungarian units.  As the two forces pursue the retreating Russians, Woyrsch's group is pulled to the northeast, while 1st Army moves to the east, opening a small gap between them.  Here, near Opatow, the Russian 4th Army counterattacks today, and the Austro-Hungarian 25th Division is thrown back several kilometres and suffers heavy casualties.  The sudden Russian riposte brings Woyrsch's group and 1st Army to halt as they move to contain the unexpected enemy advance.

The Battle of Opatow, May 16th to 20th, 1915.

- Along the San River the German 11th Army attempt several crossings.  The main action is at Jaroslau, which is occupied today by the German 2nd Guard Division.  Here the town's Jewish population warns the Germans that the Russians have mined the bridge over the San, and shortly thereafter the bridge explodes and falls into the river.  The Elisabeth Regiment of 2nd Guard Division then crosses the San at 530pm under the protection of heavy artillery and machine gun fire, and by evening a Russian counterattack has been driven off and the bridgehead is secure.  To the north, 92nd Regiment of 20th Division is able to cross the San west of Miazownica, giving X Corps a shallow bridgehead.  Thus by the end of the day, 11th Army has breached the river line at two places.

The advance of the German and Austro-Hungarian armies at Jaroslau and Przemysl, May 16th to 20th, 1915.

- In Italy the 'Radiant Days of May' are already passing; though a large pro-war demonstration grips the capital today, elsewhere the number and size of such gatherings are in decline.  Despite its ephemeral nature, the 'Radiant Days' have completely altered the balance of interventionist vs neutralist opinion among the political classes in favour of the former.  After Salandra's resignation on the 13th, Victor Emmanuel had canvassed several other parliamentary leaders, including Giolitti, about their ability to form a government.  All had declined, seeing the shift of opinion towards intervention as decisive.  This afternoon the king summons Salandra to Villa Savoia, and meets the politician at the gate with a simple declaration: 'It is necessary that you withdraw your declaration.'  Salandra agrees, and his cabinet formally returns to office, and Italian entry into the war is now a certainty.

- In the Mediterranean the Austro-Hungarian destroyer Triglav successfully tows the German coastal submarine UB7 through the Straits of Otranto, evading the Entente blockade, and the latter then makes its way eastward towards the Dardanelles.

May 14th, 1915

- This morning the fuse lit by Sir John French five days earlier explodes on the pages of The Times newspaper, which runs an extensive report and editorial on the recent failure at Aubers Ridge.  Given the close relationship between French and the newspaper's military correspondent, it is no surprise that the coverage praises the plan for and management of the battle itself.  Instead, the paper is harshly critical of the supply of both artillery shells and heavy artillery pieces, and lays blame for this failure directly on the War Office and the Secretary of State for War, Lord Kitchener.  The proprietor of The Times, Lord Northcliffe, has come to see Kitchener not as the imperial hero, but as the stubborn incompetent whose mismanagement is damaging the British war effort.  Northcliffe is not alone in this view; some within the Conservative party, as well as the Chancellor of the Exchequer David Lloyd George, have become exasperated with Lord Kitchener, and feel he must go if Britain is to fully mobilize its industry in support of the war.

The political impact of The Times' report can hardly be underestimated.  Just several weeks earlier Prime Minister Asquith had assured the British public at Newcastle that the supply of munitions was more than sufficient, words that now appear hollow at best and deceitful at worst.  In particular, the report crystalizes concerns among many Conservative backbenchers that the Liberal government is mismanaging the war effort.  This places the leadership of the Conservative party in a quandary: since the beginning of the war all of the major parties have observed a political truce, but it is increasingly difficult to restrain the backbenches from attacking the government over perceived incompetence, and The Times report pours gasoline on the simmering fire.

This afternoon, meanwhile, the first meeting of the War Council is held in London since April 6th.  With the allegations from The Times hanging in the air, Kitchener is in a foul mood, and complains bitterly about the navy abandoning the army at Gallipoli.  Fisher has finally had enough, and for the first time speaks of his constant opposition to the Dardanelles operation, a position that is news to most of those in the room.  Churchill, annoyed by Fisher's outburst, attempts to defend his own position afterwards in a letter to Asquith, arguing that Fisher has signed off on every order touching on the Dardanelles operation.

Later this evening Churchill and Fisher meet at the latter's office to discuss possible reinforcements for the Dardanelles now that Queen Elizabeth is being withdrawn.  Once again Churchill overawes the older Fisher, and the latter agrees to send several monitors to the Mediterranean to allow for the recall of several battleships.  After Fisher departs for the night, Churchill adds two submarines, as requested by Admiral de Robeck, to the list of proposed warships to be sent to the Dardanelles.  It is a fateful decision.

As the political turmoil swirls in London, Prime Minister Asquith is suffering from a much different kind of angst.  For several years he has been desperately in love with Venetia Stanley, a close friend of his daugher Violet.  He has shared all manner of state secrets with her, and relies on her utterly for moral support.  Today, however, Venetia informs Asquith that their relationship is at an end, and that she is to marry Edwin Montagu, a fellow Liberal politician.  Asquith is utterly shattered; he writes to Venetia today that 'this is too terrible; no hell could be so bad.'  The gravest crisis the Liberal government has ever faced is at hand, and the Prime Minister is a broken man.

- Today repeated French attacks secure most of Notre-Dame de Lorette in Artois, but the Germans stubbornly remain entrenched on the eastern edge, and from this position they are able to fire into the northern flank of the French XXXIII Corps and prevent a further advance towards Souchez.  On the German side additional reinforcements come forward, and 5th Bavarian Division, which has lost two-thirds of its strength since the 9th, is pulled out of the line today.  However, when 6th Army commander Crown Prince Rupprecht requests further reinforcements from Falkenhayn, the latter instead replies with a sharp rebuke: most of the reserves on the Western Front have already been sent to 6th Army, and that the forces now available in Artois ought to be more than sufficient to hold the line.  In part this reflects Falkenhayn's irritation at Rupprecht's constant demands, but also that the shift to the east in April has meant that the Western Front must defend itself with what it has, and few reserves remain.

- Today the German 11th Army approaches the Russian positions at Przemysl and the San River, and prepares to attack the enemy line at Jaroslau tomorrow.

- When the Austro-Hungarian 7th Army retreated to the Pruth River it left a bridgehead on the north side at Kolomea, and this is the target of an attack by the Russian XXXIII Corps after midday.  Despite heavy Russian pressure, the Austro-Hungarians are able to hold on, in part due to the arrival of the first reinforcements from III Corps.

- The resignation of the cabinet of Prime Minister Salandra yesterday evening is a shock to the Italian public.  In particular, those who favour intervention in the war on the side of the Entente are shocked, and fear that they will be denied their war at the last moment.  What happens next, however, will transform the political situation.  Starting today, significant numbers of the urban middle class gather in major cities and towns throughout Italy to call for war against Austria-Hungary.  This is the same social group that were the predominant presence in the crowds that in other countries celebrated the outbreak of war last August.  These demonstrations appear spontaneously with no organization and little support from the upper classes or political elites other than a few wealthy northern landowners and the owners of industrial concerns such as Fiat.  Indeed, the sudden outbreak of pro-war protests comes as a shock to Salandra, Sonnino, and their allies; the old cabinet, in its capacity as a caretaker government until the king appoints a replacement, authorizes local prefects to call in the army if necessary to maintain public order.  In practice, the gatherings are generally peaceful, as befitting crowds of the 'respectable' middle-class.

These demonstrations become known as the 'Radiant Days of May' and, precisely because they were so unexpected and spontaneous, they have an impact on the political class far outweighing the actual size of the crowds.  Dozens of parliamentary representatives who previously had opposed war now declare in favour of intervention, wanting to stay in step with public opinion.  The demonstrations also influence Victor Emmanuel, believing they will sway the votes of a sufficient number of parliamentary representatives as to make the formation of an anti-war cabinet impossible, and thus making the recall of Salandra to the premiership palatable.

- Today Admiral de Robeck receives the Admiralty reply to his message of the 10th regarding a further naval attack on the Dardanelles.  In line with Fisher's views, Churchill writes that 'the moment for an independent naval attempt to force the Narrows has passed . . . your role is therefore to support the army in its costly but sure advance and to reserve your strength to deal with the situation which will arise when the army has succeeded.'  The fleet is to remain in a subordinate position to the army, and success will depend on the army securing Gallipoli.

May 13th, 1915

- Yesterday the British 28th Division, having suffered greatly in the recent fighting, was withdrawn from the eastern face of the Ypres salient, replaced by 1st and 3rd Cavalry Division fighting as dismounted infantry.  They gain a rapid initiation to the fighting at Ypres, coming under a heavy artillery bombardment early this morning that precedes another German attack.  Most of the British line holds, but 7th Cavalry Brigade is forced back hundreds of yards, and a subsequent counterattack by 8th and 10th Cavalry Brigades is unable to fully restore the position.

The front line at Ypres, May 13th, 1915.

Though desultory fighting will continue around the Ypres salient for several weeks, the 2nd Battle of Ypres has effectively drawn to a close.  In the context of major operations on the Western Front, the battle has undoubtedly been a German victory.  Not only were they able to advance several miles towards Ypres, but were also able to force the British to voluntarily yield ground, something virtually unheardof.  Moreover, while German casualties numbered 35 000, Entente casualties were in excess of 60 000, and the Germans accomplish this favourable casualty ratio while attacking, inverting the normal situation whereby attackers suffer more than defenders.  In a larger sense, however, the 2nd Battle of Ypres was a missed opportunity.  Because the operation had never been intended to be a major offensive, the Germans were not prepared when the initial gas attack proved more successful than anyone could have imagined.  The shock effect of gas literally blew a hole in the Entente line larger than any seen to date in the war, and with sufficient reserves the Germans might have been able to drive on Ypres and beyond.  In a familiar refrain, by the time the Germans realized the opportunity that existed, the moment to exploit it had already passed, and subsequent fighting was comparable to the static fighting seen in other major engagements - the vast majority of the ground captured by the Germans was achieved in the first hours after the gas attack.  The lost opportunity, however, is even greater than the specific context of the 2nd Battle of Ypres.  The most potent effect of gas is psychological: when it strikes soldiers who are unprepared, their willingness to stand and fight vanishes and resistance becomes impossible.  By definition this can only happen the first time gas is used; within twenty-four hours crude countermeasures were being developed, and in future soldiers who are gassed will have gas masks at hand.  This ensures that while gas still kills and has an impact on the battlefield, never again can it have the same psychological effect.  The most effective use of gas was always going to be the first time, and the Germans threw away this opportunity by not being prepared to exploit the situation.  The Germans have also earned the opprobrium of being the first combatant to use asphyxiating gas on the battlefield.  Though all countries will soon make extensive use of gas, and work to develop ever more lethal chemicals, 2nd Ypres becomes, in the eyes of many, yet another example of German 'barbarism', in line with the Rape of Belgium and the sinking of Lusitania.  For many in both Entente countries and neutrals such as the United States, it is yet another reason why Germany and 'Prussian militarism' must be crushed; one cannot compromise with barbarism.  Finally, the battle has been the baptism of fire for 1st Canadian Division.  The resiliency (if not sheer stubbornness) of the Canadians in the first days of the German offensive, holding their lines despite gas and overwhelming attacks until British and French reserves could arrive, was vital to preventing a greater German breakthrough, and becomes a celebrated feat of arms.  It is the first of many such accomplishments for the Canadians on the Western Front.

- In Artois French pressure forces the Germans to abandon most of the village of Ablain, but otherwise French attacks are unsuccessful today.  Nevertheless, Crown Prince Rupprecht, commander of the German 6th Army, believes that three of his front-line divisions are completely worn out and must be replaced, and requests further reinforcements from Falkenhayn.  The German Chief of Staff agrees, transferring 2nd Guard Reserve Division and two brigades from OHL control to 6th Army's sector.

- The battered Russian 3rd Army completes its retreat to the San River, taking up positions north of the fortification of Przemysl.  Its northern wing is entrenched on the east bank from Jaroslau almost to the junction with the Vistula River, where 4th Army covers both sides of the Vistula itself.  The southern wing of 3rd Army, between Jaroslau and Przemysl, is actually deployed on the west bank; because the west bank is much higher than the east, holding the river line itself here is not possible.  South and east of Przemysl sit 8th and 11th Armies, the latter connecting with 9th Army still conducting its offensive in the Bukovina.  Reinforcements are also en route; General Alexeyev has begrudgingly allowed XV Corps, formerly part of Northwest Front, to redeploy southwards, and it is to come into the line between 4th and 3rd Armies.

The German and Austro-Hungarian advance towards Jaroslau and Przemysl, May 13th to 16th, 1915.

- In east Galicia the Austro-Hungarian 7th Army continues its retreat to the Pruth River, and by nightfall most of its elements are across.  The west and centre wings were able to pull back relatively unmolested, but the east wing came under heavy attack, especially by the Russian XXXIII Corps, as it did so.  Here at least the Russians are having some success in the Carpathians, and the offensive has forced the Austro-Hungarians to divert III Corps, initially intended to garrison the frontier with Italy, to Bukovina.  Beyond this, however, it has had no impact on the larger strategic picture; Falkenhayn for one knows that if Mackensen and 11th Army continues to achieve success, and in particular force the San River line, the Russian position in the Bukovina will be outflanked and nothing that happens there will matter.

The Battle of Dniester, May 13th, 1915.

- At 5pm the Italian cabinet reconvenes, and since yesterday's meeting Salandra has met with party leaders over the question of peace or war.  He reports to the cabinet that only one - Leonida Bissolati of the moderate Socialists - supported intervention.  The cabinet then spends the next four hours debate the issue back and forth.  One concern is that if the cabinet, and by convention the king, endorses war, but then is repudiated by parliament, a constitutional crisis may ensue.  To clear the air and force the issue, Salandra proposes the government's resignation; his hope is that efforts to cobble together an alternative anti-war government will fail, and thus by default committing Italy to war.  At 9pm the cabinet agrees, and Salandra immediately drives to the royal palace at Villa Savoia to offer their resignations.  At 1030pm news of the resignation becomes public; the moment of decision is at hand.

- Today the German submarine U21 arrives at the Austro-Hungarian naval base of Cattaro, after several weeks at sea.  Due to its lengthy journey from Germany it had only barely made it to port, with only 1.8 tons out of the original 56.5 tons of fuel remaining.  Once refueled and resupplied, the Germans will have their first active ocean-going submarine in the Mediterrean (UB-8 is a much smaller coastal submarine).

- For weeks Entente warships have pounded Ottoman positions on Gallipoli with impunity, as none of the shore batteries could fire shells capable of penetrating the armour of the old pre-dreadnoughts.  Given their numbers, the Entente fleet has also shown no real concern with naval opposition, and largely assume they may sail and anchor as they please.  Overnight, the Ottomans do their best to disabuse the British and French admirals of their misplaced faith in their invulnerability.  With a full moon and heavy mist reducing visibility, the Ottoman destroy Muavenet, captained by a German, snuck through the straits and moved up the European coast of Gallipoli.  In Morto Bay, not a hundred yards offshore, the destroyer comes across the British pre-dreadnought Goliath at anchor, where it is waiting to continue its shore bombardment at dawn.  Surging forward, Muavenet fires three torpedoes and disappears back into the night and through the straits before anyone can react.  The torpedoes strike home, and within minutes rolls over and sinks.  Because the current here is four to five knots and moving away from shore, none of the British sailors in the water can swim ashore.  Five hundred and seventy drown, and only one hundred and eight survive.  It is a striking accomplishment for the Ottomans: the Sultan awards each sailor on Muavenet a gold watch and a purse filled with gold.

The sinking of Goliath shows that the waters off the Dardanelles are now contested, and the aftershocks of the loss of the pre-dreadnought reach London this afternoon, where news of the sinking prompts a passionate outburst from Admiral Fisher.  For months he has worried over the potential loss of warships during the Dardanelles campaign, and in particular is concerned about Queen Elizabeth, Britain's newest and most advanced battleship.  The loss of Goliath stokes these fears to a fever pitch, and Fisher insists that Queen Elizabeth be ordered to return to home waters immediately.  Churchill accedes to the First Sea Lord's demand, but later this evening the argument is joined by Kitchener when he visits the Admiralty on a different matter.  When the Secretary of War learns of Queen Elizabeth's recall, he goes into a rage, accusing the navy of abandoning the army after the army had come to the aid of the navy after the latter's failure to force the Dardanelles.  Fisher, never one to back down from a fight, fires right back at Kitchener, declaring that Queen Elizabeth will sail for home this instant or he would resign on the spot.  Kitchener returns to the War Office and pens an aggressive note to Asquith, but for now Fisher has won the argument: the orders for Queen Elizabeth's recall stand.  The crisis over the Dardanelles, however, is just beginning.

- In German South-West Africa the advance of South African forces from Swakopmund on the coast and from the south has been slow and irregular, disrupted by supply difficulties more than German opposition.  After several months, however, today the northern detachment, under the direct command of Prime Minister Botha, enters Windhoek, the capital of the German colony.  In doing so the South Africans also seize the main wireless station, disrupting communications between the remaining German forces in the colony, now retreating northeast along the lone railway, and the outside world.

May 12th, 1915

- In December 1914 the British government had appointed a committee to investigate allegations of German atrocities during their occupation of Belgium, the so-called 'Rape of Belgium'.  To head the investigation, the government appointed Lord Bryce, a highly respected former ambassador to the United States and prominent author on government and democracy.  Bryce's appointment is an inspired choice: he has a deserved reputation for fairness and impartiality, and none can say he succumbed to jingoism in August 1914 - indeed, he worked to keep Britain out of the war in the crucial last days of peace.  Bryce also has a sterling reputation in the United States, which is crucial considering the potential propaganda impact the investigation may have on neutral opinion there.

Today, after several months of testimony and discussion, the committee publishes its findings in what is known as the Bryce Report, which consists of commentary on the overall nature of the German occupation and then appendixes with eyewitness testimony.  The report as a whole is a damning indictment, and rightly so - by any reasonable definition the German army did commit what we would consider war crimes in Belgium in August 1914.  The devil, however, is in the details.  Most of the evidence used by the committee consisted of eyewitness testimony from Belgian refugees who had fled to Britain after the fall of Belgium.  Not only was there no way to verify the accuracy of their testimony, given the enemy occupation of their country, but the committee also was not keen to investigate too closely, lest the evidence they needed be undermined.  All on the committee, Bryce included, considering the German invasion of Belgium a crime, and thus they wished to avoid a report that in any way 'whitewashed' German occupation.  In doing so they have certainly produced a compelling and devastating report, but have also included a number of stories that later investigation will show to have been partial or complete fabrications - there were no bayoneted babies, contrary to popular belief.  In essence, the committee decided that they would not quibble about specifics, lest it might undermine the general case the report was to make.

The public perception of the Bryce Report, however, is that is has been a rigorous investigation of the evidence, and that details were only included if they were deemed reliable.  In this the reputation of Bryce for even-handedness contributes to the sense that the report is balanced and fair.  This makes the Report's impact all the more devastating precisely because it is largely not seen as propaganda.  The German report of the 10th disappears from the public mind, and the Bryce Report holds the field, not only in the Entente but in neutrals as well.

- This morning General d'Urbal of the French 10th Army meets with his corps commanders to refocus the ongoing offensive in Artois.  He decides to focus on seizing the ruined villages of Souchez and Neuville, and instructs XXXIII Corps to clear Carency before advancing on Souchez, with XX Corps to the south moving on Neuville and XXI Corps to the north clearing Notre-Dame de Lorette.  A series of French attacks this afternoon, however, fail to make noticeable progress, though a German counterattack in the early evening south of Souchez also fails.  As night falls, however, elements of XXXIII Corps occupy what remains of Carency as the Germans fall back towards Souchez.  Feeling the situation perilous, the commander of the German XIV Corps orders the construction of a new trench line running from the Lorette spur to the church at Ablain and south to Souchez as a fallback position.

The German line north of Arras, May 12th, 1915.  Note Carency to the west of Souchez,
captured today by Pétain's XXXIII Corps.

Meanwhile Joffre and Foch meet today with Sir John French, and the French generals complain about the decision to call off the British offensive at Aubers Ridge just a day after it had begun.  From Joffre's perspective the British decision has placed the French offensive in Artois in jeopardy, as since the 10th two German divisions have moved south to contest the French advance.  Joffre and Foch manage to extract from the BEF commander a promise to take measures to more actively support the French, either by relieving French divisions or by attacking German positions.

- With the Russian armies retreating to the San River in Galicia, the advancing German and Austro-Hungarian armies are able to reach today's objectives with minimal fighting.  The leadership of the two armies, meanwhile, meet today at Pless in Silesia, where the Kaiser has made his headquarters, to discuss the next phase of the operation.  It is agreed that once again the German 11th Army will undertake the primary offensive, attacking on both sides of the town of Jaroslau and securing a bridgehead over the San River north of Przemysl.  To the south the Austro-Hungarian 3rd Army will cover Przemysl itself, which, despite damage in the spring, may yet constitute a strongpoint in the Russian line.  Further south the Austro-Hungarian 2nd Army and Südarmee will pursue the Russians as they fall back from the Carpathians, while the Austro-Hungarian 4th Army will cover the northern flank of the Germany 11th Army up to the Vistula River.

Also today, south of Dukla a small group of officers from the former Russian 48th Division, including its commander General Kornilov, are captured today.

- This morning in east Galicia elements of the Russian XXXIII Corps occupy the town of Horodenka, which had just hours before been abandoned by Austro-Hungarian units that had been battered after three days of constant fighting and reduced to less than half strength.  The loss of Horodenka unhinges the Austro-Hungarian defence, and effectively turns the flank of the right wing of 7th still holding the Dniester River to the east.  Reluctantly General Pflanzer-Baltin orders these forces to retreat south to the next river line along the Pruth.

- Today the Italian cabinet meets in Rome for a decisive session.  As Prime Minister Salandra declares, the time has come to decide between peace and war, and he drops any pretence of 'choosing' between two offers and instead openly advocates for war against Austria-Hungary.  Not everyone in Cabinet is fully convinced, however, and there remains the issue of parliamentary support.  Salandra pledges to consult party leaders about intervention, though he believes the responses will tend towards neutrality.

May 11th, 1915

- For months the First Sea Lord, Admiral Fisher, has held deep misgivings about the Dardanelles operation, fearing heavy losses for negligible gain.  When Admiral de Robeck's signal arrives at the Admiralty suggesting another naval attempt to force the straits, Fisher erupts in anger, writing to Churchill: 'I cannot under any circumstances be a party to any order to Admiral de Robeck to make any attempt to pass the Dardanelles until the shores have been effectively occupied.'  Churchill, in contrast, is willing to at least allow a limited attack to clear the minefield off Kephez.  The vast divergence of opinion between the two over the Dardanelles operation is now in the open, and Fisher has laid down the gauntlet: if the naval operation proceeds he will no longer serve as First Sea Lord.  Another fuse is lit . . .

- General d'Urbal orders further attacks today in Artois, and sends additional divisions to XXXIII and XX Corps as reinforcements.  After a two hour artillery bombardment, the infantry advance, but are repeatedly repulsed by strong German defences; Pétain reports his attacks are broken up by heavy machine gun fire on his flanks and increased enemy artillery fire.  On the German side OHL releases 117th Division as a further reinforcement to 6th Army, and it arrives southwest of Lens.  With additional reinforcements it is hoped to be able to hold the threatened villages of Carency and Ablain.

- Today President Wilson presents to his cabinet the draft of a note he intends to send to the German government regarding the sinking of Lusitania.  While he states that he does not believe the German government directly ordered the sinking, he sees it as the natural consequence of conducting unrestricted submarine warfare:

The government of the United States desires to call the attention of the Imperial German Government . . . to . . . the practical impossibility of employing submarines in the destruction of commerce without disregarding those rules of fairness, reason, justice, and humanity which all modern opinion regards as imperative.  It is practically impossible for the officers of a submarine at sea to visit a merchantman at sea and examine her papers and cargo.  It is practically impossible for them to make a prize of her; and if they cannot put a prize crew on board her, they cannot sink her without leaving her crew and all aboard to the mercy of the sea in her small boats.  . . . Manifestly, submarines cannot be used against merchantmen . . . without an inevitable violation of many sacred principles of justice and humanity.

Within cabinet, Secretary of State William Jennings Bryan sees the note as too pro-British; have not the British also violated international law in their conduct of their naval blockade of Germany?  Bryan also opposes Americans travelling on ships belonging to combatants.  His views are opposed by State Department Counselor Robert Lansing, who argues that the American government, having permitted American citizens to sail on British steamships to date, cannot now disavow such activity, and must insist on a German pledge to never conduct such an attack again.  Bryan's objections are overruled, and Wilson's original note will be conveyed to the German government as is.

- In Galicia the Russian 3rd and 8th Armies begin their retreat eastward towards the San River, pursued by (from northwest to southeast) the Austro-Hungarian 4th Army, the German 11th Army, the Austro-Hungarian 3rd and 2nd Armies, and Südarmee.  In places the battered Russians are able to disengage entirely, while in others their retreat is hastened by yet further fighting.

- Only in far eastern Galicia are the Russian still on the advance, continuing their offensive into the Bukovina.  Today the Russian XXXIII Corps enlarged its bridgehead across the Dniester River yesterday, and today an attack to the west against the right wing of the Austro-Hungarian 15th Division forces the latter back.  This retreat threatens the flank of the forces bottling up XXXIII Corps, and as a result the Austro-Hungarians are forced to withdraw to a new defensive line to the south, running through Horodenka and Obertyn.

- In Italy King Victor Emmanuel meets with Prime Minister Salandra this afternoon.  The monarch is in a better mood than in prior days; yesterday's meeting with Giolitti has reassured him that the former prime minister will not attempt to return to power and provoke a grave constitutional crisis.  Salandra, however, is still concerned about the extent of Giolitti's support in parliament, as the latter has voiced the belief that a vote of four-fifths against intervention would be sufficient to annul any otherwise binding commitment made to the Entente.

- In Mesopotamia General Nixon, commanding the Indian forces at and around Basra, formally instructs General Townshend of 6th Indian Division to clear the positions held by the Ottomans around Qurna, advance upriver, and occupy Amara.

May 10th, 1915

- Almost since the outbreak of the war the German government has been fighting a losing battle over its image abroad among neutrals.  While Entente propaganda has undoubtedly made its mark, views on Germany have been inevitably tainted by the way in which it has conducted the war, as more recent incidents such as the use of gas at Ypres and the sinking of Lusitania join with such older episodes as the Rape of Belgium to cast Germany as the villain.  The German government has attempted to counter such impressions since the first weeks of the war, and today publishes a White Book on the German occupation of Belgium.  Its title - The Conduct of the War by the Belgian People in Violation of International Law - says all that needs to be said regarding its aim.  Its objectivity is questionable at best and much dubious 'evidence' is included, and does little to dissuade those who already believe in German perfidy from continuing to do so.  Moreover, the Germans are not the only ones who can publish reports . . .

- Even as the German government attempts to defend its conduct of the war, the latest outrage - the sinking of the passenger liner Lusitania - is provoking a violent reaction in Britain, especially in Liverpool and other west coast ports in which many of the dead resided.  For these civilians, the torpedoing of Lusitania is seen as culmination of a German campaign of deliberate barbarism that has included the Rape of Belgium, the bombardment of Scarborough and other towns, Zeppelin bombing raids, and the use of gas at Ypres.  For many the news of Lusitania's loss is the final straw, and over the past few days anti-German riots have broken out in several British cities, including most prominently Liverpool, the destination of the doomed liner.  Large crowds rampage through commercial districts, attacking any shop identified as being owned by Germans and looting its contents.  Local police struggle to maintain order, with hundreds arrested.  Today is the worst day of violence in Liverpool, and hardly a single commercial enterprise owned by a German remains unscathed at the end of the day.  While the violence builds on existing anti-German sentiments and indeed xenophobia, they also arise from the general sense among the British public that the German methods of waging war are a fundamental threat to Western civilization, and that the war is not only worth fighting but must be fought until absolute victory can be secured and 'Prussian militarism', as it is often referred to, is crushed forever.  Whether right or not, such views are genuinely held by much of the British public, and go some way to explaining the overwhelming support for the continuation of the war in the months and years ahead.

The aftermath of the Lusitania riots.

- A more measured reaction to the sinking of Lusitania is seen today in the United States when President Woodrow Wilson delivers a speech before fifteen thousand in Philadelphia.  After several days of deliberation, he has come to the conclusion that an immediate declaration of war is not the proper course of action.  More crucially, imbued with a moral sense of American righteousness, he proclaims to the assembled crowd that:

. . . the example of America must be a special example . . . the example, not merely of peace because it will not fight, but of peace because peace is the healing and elevating influence of the world and strife is not.  There is such a thing as a man being too proud to fight.  There is such a thing as a nation being so right that it does not need to convince others by force that is is right.

Wilson's proclamation is greeted by prolonged cheering.  In Britain, perhaps not surprisingly, the president's words are not so welcome - Wilson's high-minded rhetoric appears completely divorced from the perceived reality of a struggle for civilization, and there is little inclination to take lessons in morality from someone whose country is resolutely on the sidelines.

- In Germany, reaction to the sinking of Lusitania has been mixed.  Much of the public, convinced that the liner was carrying munitions, celebrates its destruction, as does the naval leadership.  For the Chancellor and the Kaiser, the sinking is seen as a disaster.  Wilhelm II directly orders the naval chief of staff that

. . . for the immediate future, no neutral vessel shall be sunk.  This is necessary on political ground for which the chancellor is responsible.  It is better than an enemy ship be allowed to pass than that a neutral shall be destroyed.

Learning of the Kaiser's order, Bethmann-Hollweg informally conveys to Washington that German submarines have been instructed to avoid neutral vessels.  Unfortunately for the pair, the naval chief of staff is committed to unrestricted submarine warfare, and in an act of deliberate insubordination does not convey the Kaiser's order to the fleet.  For now the ostensible leaders of Germany are kept in the dark.

- In Artois today the French 10th Army attacks all along the German line, attempting to repeat the fleeting success of yesterday.  Overall the French attacks fail: an attempt to move further east on the Lorette spur was held, and repeated attacks by 70th Division at Carency were also repulsed.  However, a German counterattack by elements of 58th and 11th Divisions also fails, and the French XXXIII Corps is able to maintain control of the ground seized yesterday.  This salient also leaves German positions at Carency and Ablain just to the north almost isolated, and the commander of the German 28th Division, responsible for this section of line, is concerned that the villages may have to be abandoned.

Further north, in light of the complete failure of the attacks of yesterday, Sir John French calls off the British offensive towards Aubers Ridge early this morning.  General Haig, whose 1st Army had been responsible for the operation, is dismayed at the failure.  Writing in his diary, he concludes that the defeat 'showed that we are confronted by a carefully prepared position, which is held by a most determined enemy, with numerous machine guns.'  To overcome such defences, Haig believes that an 'accurate and so fairly long' preliminary bombardment will be necessary in future to ensure enemy strong points are destroyed before the infantry advance.  However understandable Haig's conclusions may be, he is learning the wrong lessons.

- Overnight the Russian counterattack in Galicia is launched, with 44th Division advancing towards Jacmierz into the gap between 11th Bavarian and 119th Divisions and 33rd Division to the south advancing towards Besko.  Though the Russians are able to initially gain some ground, the German commanders are more than equal to the task.  To the north, 11th Bavarian Division pushes back the southern flank of XXIV Russian Corps to the north, which creates space for the German 20th Division to come up from its reserve position and launch a attack co-ordinated with 119th Division on the Russian 44th Division, throwing the latter back.  To the south, the Austro-Hungarian X Corps secures the high ground near Odrzechowa, threatening the flank of the Russian 33rd Division.  By nightfall the Russians have been repulsed and are retreating eastward towards Sanok.

The counterattack by the Russian XXI Corps had been the last throw of the dice for 3rd Army, and its defeat means any hope of holding the Germans west of the San River has evaporated.  General Ivanov's chief of staff sends a despondent message to Stavka this evening, stating that the army is shattered and the situation is hopeless, and the only option is a pell-mell retreat eastwards: Przemysl will have to be surrendered, the Germans will soon invade the Ukraine, and Kiev should be fortified.  The chief of staff is promptly fired, but Stavka finally acknowledges reality and finally acquiesces today to General Dimitriev's repeated requests to retreat behind the San, 3rd Army is a mere shell of its former self.  Of the 200 000 men it had on May 2nd, only 40 000 remain to retreat eastwards today, and this despite 3rd Army having received 50 000 replacements in the meantime.  Further, the Germans have taken 140 000 prisoners, reflecting the shattered morale of the Russian infantry.  Some of its formations have simply ceased to exist: IX Corps has suffered 80% casualties, while III Caucasus Corps, which was sent into the battle on May 4th to restore the situation, has instead lost 75% of its strength in the six days since.

The strategic implications of the crushing defeat suffered by 3rd Army also continue to spread.  In order to maintain some semblance of coherent line on the Eastern Front, Stavka issues orders for the southern flank of 4th Army to pull back east almost to the confluence of the San and Vistula Rivers, while 8th Army in the Carpathians will have to retreat to the northeast and reorientate to face to the west instead of the south.

The German offensive at Gorlice-Tarnow, May 10th to 12th, 1915.

- Though the Treaty of London had been signed on April 26th, details remained to be finalized regarding the nature of Italian co-operation with the Entente, and at sea Italy is in particular eager to secure substantial naval support in the Adriatic.  Today in Paris a naval convention is signed between Britain, France, and Italy which calls for the creation of an allied fleet in the Adriatic under Italian command, to which the French would contribute twelve destroyers, a seaplane carrier, and a number of torpedo-boats and submarines, while the British pledged to dispatch four pre-dreadnoughts and four light cruisers.  The British reinforcements in particular, however, are to be drawn from the fleet off the Dardanelles, and will not be sent to the Adriatic until they have been replaced by similar warships from France.  This detail will be the source of friction between the allies once Italy formally enters the war.

- For Italian Prime Minister Salandra and Foreign Minister Sonnino, the driving force behind Italian intervention on the side of the Entente, the struggle now is to carry the rest of the Italian government with them into the war.  This is no easy task, as many politicians do not share their passionate desire for intervention.  Instead, a vague desire for neutrality is the most common sentiment, a position to which some within the Cabinet itself adhere to.  Moreover, King Victor Emmanuel is unreliable; just yesterday he proclaimed to Salandra his uncertainty as to the right course of action for Italy and the possiblity of abdicating in favour of his uncle the Duke of Aosta.  There is also the necessity of securing a majority in parliament for war, which is far from assured.  Finally and perhaps of most concern to the Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, there is an alternative political leader known to oppose intervention: Giovanni Giolitti, who has served as prime minister on no fewer than four occasions from 1892 to 1914.  The possibility exists that if Salandra and Sonnino cannot carry either the cabinet or parliament in support of intervention, Giolitti may form a government pledged, at minimum, to strict neutrality, if not a pro-German attitude.  Indeed, when German Ambassador Bülow browbeats the Austro-Hungarian ambassador today to agree to further concessions, he communicates the offer not to the goverment but to Giolitti; the Germans see Giolitti as the last chance to keep Italy out of the war.

For all of the difficulties that Salandra and Sonnino face, the forces opposed to intervention are not without their own problems.  Giolitti is 73 years old, and both his grip on and influence in Italian politics is not what it once was.  He also has little desire to form a government led by himself, fearing he would be branded as a lackey of Austria, and crucially communicates this belief to Victor Emmanuel in an interview this afternoon, which does much to calm the nerves of the king.  Salandra and Giolitti also meet this afternoon, and the former sufficiently dissembles to leave the latter with the impression that he is not wholeheartedly committed to war.  Still, it is possible that Giolitti may still instruct his supporters in parliament to vote against the war when it reconvenes on May 20th.  The next ten days will thus determine not only whether Italy enters the war, but indeed the future course of Italian politics overall.

- Today Admiral de Robeck cables the Admiralty a proposal for a renewed naval attack on the Dardanelles.  The suggestion originated in a meeting with Commodore Keyes, who remains a strong advocate of naval action, and is convinced that futher naval pressure can yet secure victory.  Robeck is more doubtful, and his message reflects his continued pessimism.  Even if a naval attack succeeds, 'the temper of the Turkish army in the peninsula indicates that the forcing of the Dardanelles and subsequent appearance of the fleet off Constantinople would not of itself prove decisive.  These are hardly fighting words, but Keyes hopes that even a tepid proposal will inspire Churchill to order another attempt.

- Near the mouth of the Bosporus the Russian Black Sea Fleet makes another appearance to bombard the forts, and this time the recently-repaired ex-German battlecruiser Goeben makes a brief appearance.  The Germans are dismayed to discover that the 12-inch guns of the outdated Russian pre-dreadnoughts can still fire farther than the 11-inch guns of Goeben.  After the battlecruiser takes two glancing blows it uses its superior speed to break off the battle and return to the Sea of Marmara.