July 2nd, 1915

- In Britain the Munitions of War Act comes into effect today, providing the legislative machinery for government control of armaments production by the new Ministry of Munitions under David Lloyd George.  Under the legislation any business involved in war production can be designated a 'controlled establishment', in which case a series of government restrictions would be imposed in the name of productivity.  Critically, these restrictions were primarily directed not at employers, but at employees: strikes are prohibited, arbitration made compulsory, and restrictions on the ability to change jobs.  In exchange, workers in 'controlled establishments' are given badges that effectively exempted them from military service.

- Though yesterday Foch expressed a desire to conduct another offensive by the French 10th Army against Vimy Ridge, General d'Urbal reports today that the infantry of 10th Army are exhausted after fifty days of near-constant combat, and are in no condition to undertake major operations.  Joffre is sympathetic to d'Urbal's concerns, and orders 10th Army to focus on establishing strong defensive positions only.

- Falkenhayn meets with Hindenburg and Ludendorff today at Posen in the presence of the kaiser to discuss future operations on the Eastern Front.  When the German chief of staff had originally committed 11th Army to the east in April, he had envisioned its deployment lasting until the liberation of Austro-Hungarian Galicia.  Once this had been accomplished, Falkenhayn reasoned, the threat to Austria-Hungary from Rusia would be removed, and 11th Army could return to the Western Front for operations there.  Though the purpose of the Gorlice-Tarnow offensive have been achieved, Falkenhayn has reconsidered his views.  He had been concerned with Entente superiority on the Western Front, but the 2nd Battle of Artois has demonstrated the ability of the German army in the west to successfully stand on the defensive even when substantially outnumbered.  Further, Falkenhayn has concluded that more damage can yet be inflicted on the Russian army.  Crucially, however, he does not foresee a decisive, war-winning victory as possible, given the space in Russia and the ability of the Russians to retreat from any grand envelopment.  Instead, Falkenhayn's desires to inflict further hammer blows on the Russian army in the vein of Gorlice-Tarnow to wear the Russians out and convince them to agree to a peace amenable to Germany.  This is a logical extension of the views expressed by Falkenhayn since the fall; namely, that Germany must reduce the number of its enemies through negotiation in order to concentrate on the others.

Thus at today's meeting Falkenhayn rejects Ludendorff's proposal for a major offensive to be undertaken in Courland by the Army of the Niemen, which the latter proposes can advance through Kovno and Vilna to join with Mackensen's 11th Army in encircling the entire Russian army in Poland.  Falkenhayn views such an operation as widely optimistic, and that such sweeping envelopments are simply not possible in the conditions of modern warfare, which in particular limit the ability of cavalry to exploit breakthroughs and surround opposing forces.  Instead, Falkenhayn proposes to stick to the Gorlice-Tarnow formula in which the Russian army would be worn out through a series of step-by-step offensives relying on the power of artillery.  Wilhelm II sides with Falkenhayn, and his more moderate plans are approved.  In the north, the army under General Gallwitz, stretching from the Vistula River towards the Masurian Lakes, will undertake the primary attack, advancing towards Warsaw.  Further, the forces under General Worysch in central Poland will pin the Russians opposite to prevent reserves being redeployed from this stretch of the line.  Finally, 11th Army will undertake a major offensive northwards between the Vistula and Bug Rivers, and to allow for it to concentrate on its advance as opposed to flank protection, the Austro-Hungarian 1st Army is to be withdrawn from west of the Vistula in southwestern Poland and inserted into the line northeast of Lemberg between 11th Army to the north and the Austro-Hungarian 2nd Army in the south.  To allow time for the redeployments to be completed and munitions stockpiled, the offensives are planned to begin July 13th.

The Eastern Front in early July, 1915.

- Meanwhile in southern Poland the Austro-Hungarian 4th Army wins several local successes, seizing several villages, but fails to secure a decisive breakthrough.

The 2nd Battle of Kraśnik, July 2nd to 10th, 1915.

- For the past two days the Italian 3rd Army has been concentrating its efforts against the Karst plateau southwest of Görz along the Isonzo River, but a series of infantry attacks have failed to secure any significant ground.

- The influence of German consul Wilhelm Wassmuss in southern Persia continues to grow, securing alliances with numerous tribes in the region that, as opposed to the central government, are the real power.  Through Wassmuss the interior of southern Persia is essentially under German control, and British influence has been confined to a few coastal enclaves - Wassmuss has even been able to erect a wireless station to communicate with Germany proper.  The growing German influence has attracted the attention of British officials in India, who fear losing control over the Northwest Frontier.  Today, the Indian viceroy tells British consuls in Persia to seek out tribal allies that can be used to directly confront German influence in the country.

- In German South-West Africa German forces holding the line east of Otavifontein defending Grootfontein fall back on Gaub today, given the appearance of South African forces before them and the retreat of the defenders at Otavi uncovering their western flank.

May 25th, 1915

- The formation of the new coalition government in Britain is completed, and the new cabinet formally takes office today.  Prime Minister Asquith retains office as Prime Minister, as there was never any serious discussion of replacing him at present, as no Liberal at this moment has the stature to supplant him.  Furtjer, Conservative leader Andrew Bonar Law understands that the alternative to a Liberal-led coalition is not a Conservative-led coalition but a Conservative minority government which would be opposed by a partisan Liberal party that would block Conservative efforts to fight the war as they saw fight (i.e. such as on conscription).  Even though the Liberals and Conservatives have roughly the same number of MPs in the House of Commons, the Liberals also retain a majority of places in the cabinet and many of the key offices; Lloyd George in particular has worked in negotiations to limit Conservative ministers, and has succeeded in convincing Bonar Law to accept the relatively junior office of Colonial Secretary.  Nevertheless, there is no doubt that this is no longer a purely Liberal government, as Liberal ministers now find themselves sitting at the same time as such objects of long-time partisan hatred as Edward Carson.  In addition, the Labour party has joined the coalition, and for the first time in its history a Labour MP - its leader, Arthur Henderson - has a seat at the cabinet table (as President of the Board of Education).  Of the major parties only the Irish Nationalists are absent; though offered a place, and though the party leadership was tempted, they declined as it would mean serving alongside the hated Ulster Unionists.

Two particular changes warrant mention.  First, the press campaign against Lord Kitchener launched by The Times on May 14th has backfired spectacularly, as the public, oblivious to the administrative bumbling of the War Office, still see the Secretary of War as the great imperial hero.  As a result, removing Kitchener from office is not politically viable.  Instead, though he is left in office, Kitchener's powers are reduced by transferring responsibility for munitions production to a separate Ministery of Munitions.  Lloyd George becomes Minister of Munitions, and though giving up the Chancellorship of the Exchequer to do so would normally be seen as a demotion, he well understands that in wartime public focus is on the performance of the war ministries, and that if he can fix the 'shells crisis' he will become the man of the hour.

Second, today confirms Churchill's demotion from the Admiralty.  His replacement is Arthur Balfour, a senior Conservative (and ex-Prime Minister) whose steady and urbane personality is the absolute opposite of Churchill's, which is precisely the point.  No one would ever fear Balfour racing off to take up the defence of a threatened city, as Churchill did at Antwerp.  This morning Churchill cleans out his desk at the Admiralty building.  He is in the grib of severe depression, feeling that his political career is at an end.  At this moment he is visited by Kitchener, who commiserates with Churchill, and as it gets up to leave he remarks to his former colleague: 'Well, there is one thing at any rate they cannot take from you.  The Fleet was ready.'  Kitchener, in his typical imperious manner, is exactly right: whatever other failings Churchill may have demonstrated while First Lord of Admiralty from 1911 to today, it is indisputable that the Royal Navy was prepared for war when it came last August.  Moreover, of course, Churchill's hour is yet to come.

- As the French 10th Army inches forward in Artois, General d'Urbal has decided to launch an attack by XXI, XXXIII, and IX Corps simultaneously against several points.  After twenty-four hours' artillery bombardment, the infantry advance at midday, but fail to gain any significant ground.

- North of Przemysl the German advance continues today.  A Russian bridgehead west of the San held by XXI Corps at Zagrody is eliminated this afternoon, while to the north the German Guard Corps occupies Laszki.  The speed of the German advance is slower today; though Russian resistance continues, the crucial factor is that the farther east 11th Army goes, the more exposed its northern flank potentially becomes.  As a result, Guard Corps in particular finds itself shedding battalions as it advances to cover the line of the Lubaczowka River.

- Twelve days after the British pre-dreadnought Goliath was torpedoed by the Ottoman destroyer Muavenet, an even greater menance makes itself felt off the Dardanelles.  After weeks at sea and refuelling at Cattaro, the German submarine U21 enters action, torpedoing the British pre-dreadnought Triumph as it lay off Anzac Beach.  As it began to sink, a destroyer comes alongside and hundreds of sailors step from the stern of Triumph onto the deck of the smaller ship.  After twenty minutes the pre-dreadnought sinks, and fifty-three men drown.  The loss of the warship is bad enough, but the psychological impact is worse, as the sinking occurs in broad daylight in full view of both sides.  The Ottoman soldiers in their trenches cheer madly, their cries echoing down the hills into the Entente trenches, where British, French, and ANZAC infantry can only look on in shock.  Admiral de Robeck responds by immediately orders all of his large warships back to Mudros, which could hardly have had a positive impact on morale for the army still trapped in the Gallipoli beachheads.

- The diplomatic agreement between Japan and China, reflecting the latter's acceptance of the Twenty-One Demands.  As a result of the treaty, Japan's hold on southern Manchuria and eastern Inner Mongolia is enhanced, Japan receives Germany's economic rights in Shantung while the leasehold is to be settled after the war, the Japanese-controlled Hanyehping Company is established, and China pledges to lease no other power territory at Fukien, opposite Japanese-owned Taiwan.

May 17th, 1915

- This morning a letter reaches Andrew Bonar Law, the Canadian-born leader of the British Conservative Party, from Admiral Fisher, in which the latter announces his resignation as First Sea Lord.  In his typical manner, Fisher holds nothing back: 'W.C. MUST god at all costs!  AT ONCE . . . because a very great disaster is very near us in the Dardanelles . . . W.C. is a bigger danger than the Germans by a long way.'

Even without the hyperbole, Bonar Law recognizes the significance of this information.  For the past three days he has been struggling to maintain control of his backbenchers, the latter enraged over the report of the 14th in The Times regarding a shortage of shells during the Battle of Aubers Ridge.  Bonar Law wants to maintain the electoral truce, but he may not be able to control his own party.  With this morning's letter he realizes that the resignation of Fisher will be the final straw for many Conservative MPs, who have long despised Churchill for abandoning the party in 1904 over Tariff Reform.  Further, in their eyes Churchill's a administration of the Admiralty in wartime has been a failure: not only has there not been a decisive victory over the High Seas Fleet, but the Antwerp diversion was a debacle and the Dardanelles operation appears to be going nowhere.

After receiving Fisher's letter Bonar Law calls on Lloyd George and asks for confirmation of Fisher's resignation.  When Lloyd George provides this, Bonar Law replies that 'the situation is impossible.'  Lloyd George agrees, and the pair visit 10 Downing Street where they inform Asquith of the situation.  The Prime Minister recoils at the prospect of heated parliamentary debates and denunciations of the management of the war.  Further, the Liberal government is a minority, and the possibility exists that it might not survive under effective Conservative criticism.  Lloyd George recommends the formation of a coalition government between the parties, in order to head off opposition in the House of Commons.  Asquith does not hesitate in accepting this, his willingness to fight for his government perhaps fatally undermined by the news of the 14th regarding Venetia Stanley.  It is certainly the case that Asquith never seriously appears to have contemplated fighting the Conservatives, and is perfectly willing to jettison Liberal colleagues to find cabinet places for Conservatives.  Most prominent of Bonar Law's conditions for a coalition government is that Churchill must be removed as First Lord of the Admiralty.  Neither Asquith nor Lloyd George flinch at the prospect of dismissing their colleague, perhaps realizing it may be the price of keeping their own positions.

Churchill, for his part, has no idea what has transpired when he arrives at 10 Downing Street later this morning to report that he has a new First Sea Lord and is ready to defend his record in the House of Commons.  Asquith instead replies that there will be no debate in the House; instead, a coalition government will be formed and, turning to Churchill, asks 'what are we to do with you?'  It is at this moment that Churchill realizes that his time at the Admiralty may be at an end.  Later this evening, after digesting the news, Churchill writes to Asquith that he would only accept office in the new government if it is directly related to the war effort; otherwise, he would prefer to take up a command in France.

- Overnight the German zeppelin LZ39 was intercepted by several aircraft of the Royal Naval Air Service.  They attack the airship by dropping bombs on it, and though it remains in the air LZ39 is sufficiently damaged to force a return to base.

- The first of the new attacks by the French 10th Army in Artois was scheduled to be launched today, but is postponed due to poor weather.  Meanwhile the Germans have been attempting to retake the ground lost to the French on Lorette Spur.  These attacks, however, have failed, and have worn out the regiments of 117th Division.

- After an intensive bombardment the British launch another attack near Festubert today, and succeed in pushing back the German lines.  Indeed, there are indications of a crisis of morale in German ranks, as a number of prisoners are taken before the British infantry had even begun their advance.  To reinforce the line 6th Army brings in several battalions of Bavarians and Saxons, as well as 38th Landwehr Brigade.  Crucially, they are drawn not from 6th Army's reserve, but rather from the north; the brigade is taken from 4th Army.  Thus even though the British have achieved some tactical success at Festubert, they have failed in drawing away German forces from the French offensive to the south, which was the primary reason for the operation.

- The German 11th Army secures a third crossing of the San River today at Nielepkowice north of Jaroslau.  Meanwhile Mackensen orders those forces already across the river to consolidate their bridgeheads.

- Just after midnight elements of the Russian 9th Army attempt to storm the town of Delatyn in Bukovina, in the centre of the line held by the Austro-Hungarian 7th Army.  In bitter fighting the latter are forced back from the outer defences, but the Russians are unable to break into the town itself.  Just as with the Austro-Hungarian attacks to the west, initial advances quickly degenerate into static fighting.

- The reappointed cabinet of Prime Minister Salandra meets today to discuss Italian entry into the war, and agrees to submit a bill to parliament when it reconvenes on the 20th to vest full financial powers in the government in case of war.  Also, ex-premier Giovanni Giolitti departs Rome for Piedmont today, knowing full well that attempting to fight for peace when parliament meets in three days would be a lost cause.

April 8th, 1915

- In Britain Prime Minister Asquith announces the formation of yet another committee: the Treasury Munitions of War Committee.  This new body is chaired by the Chancellor of the Exchequer David Lloyd George, who sees the committee's work as being an extension of his own and the means by which to wrestle control over the financing of munitions production from Lord Kitchener and the War Office.  The ongoing internecine battle between the two, combined with Asquith's penchant to delay decisions through endless debate, can hardly be expected to increase munitions output.

- With the attacks against the St.-Mihiel salient going nowhere, Joffre orders a shift in tactics today, ordering General Dubail of the Provisional Group of the East to shift to methodical attacks designed to overwhelm the enemy.  Dubail halts the broad-front attacks currently underway and prepares to concentrate his forces for a small number of hopefully-irresistible assaults.

- Emden's landing party successfully reached the town of Djidda several days ago without further incident, where the injured are treated in hospital and supplies restocked.  Given the recent Arab attack, First Officer Mücke has decided to continue the journey northwards by sea, chartering a large zambuk.  In light of the British blockade offshore, Mücke also spread the rumour that his expedition intended to continue by land.  Remarkably, once again the British fall for disinformation from the German officer, and when the zambuk departs Djidda this evening there are no British warships in sight.

January 8th, 1915

- In London the War Council meets today to discuss British strategy for the coming year.  When discussion turns to theatres outside France, Lloyd George remarks that he supports an operation in the Balkans to provide direct aid to Serbia.  Lord Kitchener then intervenes, commenting that if an operation were to be undertaken outside the Western Front, the Dardanelles would be the most promising.  However, while he asserts that 150 000 soldiers would ensure that the fleet could force the Dardanelles and occupy Constantinople, he informs the Council that he has no units that he can spare.  The key takeaway from the meeting is that forcing the Dardanelles is possible, not that it requires army support to succeed.

- Falkenhayn agrees today to the formation of Südarmee, which is to be deployed in Galicia and will consist of two German infantry divisions and one German cavalry division, drawn from 9th Army as per Ludendorff's earlier offer, and an Austro-Hungarian corps.  The army is to be commanded by General Alexander von Linsingen, who had previously held command during the 1st Battle of Ypres.  Interestingly, as its Chief of Staff Falkenhayn appoints none other than Ludendorff; his reasoning is that, given the repeated claims by Conrad that the fighting in Galicia is of vital importance, it is logical for Ludendorff to 'work his magic' there.  In reality, Falkenhayn is attempting to divide Hindenburg and Ludendorff, in order to weaken their influence over the direction of the German war effort and tone down demands for the next major German offensive to be in the East.

- The German 1st Army currently holds seventy kilometres of the front line on both sides of the city of Soissons just north of the Aisne River.  Since December 27th III Corps has been planning an operation to attack the French defenders near Soissons in order to prevent the enemy from redeploying its forces to assist its ongoing offensives elsewhere.  At 10am this morning, however, the French launch a preemptive attack of their own on the German line at Clamecy, just north of Soissons, leading to bitter fighting in the sector.

- Units of the French 4th Army are able to secure the village of Perthes today, and though this represents a gain of only a few hundred metres, it is one of the most substantial of the 1st Battle of Champagne.

- Following the Russian evacuation of northern Persia a week ago in response to the crisis at Sarikamish, Ottoman and Kurdish forces have advanced into the resulting vacuum and today occupy Tabriz.

- The German steamer Choising passes through the Straits of Perim overnight, despite lacking any detailed chart of the waters and having its lights extinguished to evade two patrolling British warships.  During the day it hugs the Arabian coast, to avoid the shipping lane in the centre of the Red Sea, and by nightfall is approaching the port of Hodeida.

October 12th, 1914

- Finding the town abandoned by Entente forces, Ghent is occupied early this morning by General Beseler's III Reserve Corps.  To the west, the Belgian army continues its retreat to the Yser, while the French Marine Brigade's objective is Dixmude.  The British 3rd Cavalry Division continues to cover the movement of 7th Division, the latter arriving at Thielt this evening, the two having been ordered to link up with the rest of the British Expeditionary Force at Ypres.

- East of Béthune, General Smith-Dorrien's II Corps moves through a thick early morning fog, finding clustered in farmyards and along hedgerows the French cavalrymen they are to relieve.  As the fog lifts late morning the British soldiers continue a cautious advance in the direction of La Bassée and Lille.  They are opposed by the German 1st and 2nd Cavalry Corps, who harass the British with sniper fire and inflict significant casualties.  The pace of the advance is slower than planned, and II Corps is also being pulled southward - a German attack last night forced French defenders back south of the line Béthune-La Bassée, forcing Smith-Dorrien to deploy a brigade south of the canal connecting the two towns and adjusted the line of march to be eastward instead of northeast in order to maintain contact with the French XIX Corps.

- To the north, the British III Corps spends the day assembling at Hazebrouck, but the transportation problems that have plagued its redeployment continue - buses ordered to assist in bringing up the last forces from St. Omer do not arrive until midday.  As a result, the corps is not able to begin its advance, intended to sweep north of Lille, today as originally ordered.

- At Lille, the German artillery bombardment continues until 445am, at which point XIX Corps attacks.  The French territorials offer spirited resistance, and it is only in the evening that 181st Regiment forces its way into the city itself.  The situation now hopeless, the French garrison surrenders, and 4500 soldiers march into German captivity.  The capture of Lille is a significant achievement, not only in advancing the front, but in subtracting the substantial manufacturing capacity of the city from the French war effort.

- In Poland, General Mackensen's XVII Corps, on the left of 9th Army, marches towards Warsaw in an effort to aggressively secure the army's flank.  The Russians fall back before Mackensen's advance, with the 2nd Army retreating to Warsaw itself.  This sparks talk of the Germans occupying Warsaw, which ignores the distinct numerical superiority of the Russians throughout Poland.

- In the early hours of the morning, the German light cruiser Dresden arrives at Easter Island, completing its voyage from the Atlantic.  Later in the day, the German East Asiatic Squadron arrives as well.  The island is nominally a possession of Chile, but in practice is governed by the British subject Percy Edmonds, manager of the island's sheep and cattle ranch.  The island has no wireless and its only contact with the outside world is a Chilean supply vessel that arrives only twice a year.  As a result, Edmonds has no idea that the greatest war in human history is raging across the world, and thus is happy to supply the Germans with fresh meat and vegetables.  He also gladly accepts payment in checks payable by a German bank in Valparaíso.

- In London a Cabinet Committee on Munitions has been formed and meets for the first time today, and include amongst its members Lord Kitchener, David Lloyd George, and Winston Churchill.  The purpose of the committee is to examine the supply of munitions for the army, on the assumption that the war will be lengthy.

September 19th, 1914

- At Rheims the return of the French X Corps stabilizes the line - though the Germans remain in control of the high ground north and east of the city, the French hold the fort at La Pompelle to the southeast.  The hardening line leaves Rheims in French hands but easily within German artillery range.  At the centre of the city sits historic Rheims Cathedral, whose construction began in 1211 and for centuries had been the location where the kings of France were crowned.  The French today are using the cathedral to house German wounded, and its towers were draped in the flags of the Red Cross.  Nevertheless, the cathedral is targeted by German gunners along with the rest of the city - at 4pm, a shell strikes the northwest tower, setting fire to the wooden scaffolding that had been erected in peacetime as part of the cathedral's restoration.  The spreading fire melts the leaden roof, and molten lead ignites straw in the nave below, killing a dozen German prisoners.  The fire also spreads to the Archbishop's Palace, consuming irreplaceable Roman and Gothic tapestries.  Though the stone edifice of the cathedral remains, its interior is gutted, and medieval stain-glass windows are shattered.  The devastation of Rheims Cathedral receives worldwide attention, and is seen as yet another example of German barbarism and disdain for Western civilization.  The bombardment of the cathedral and the city will continue for years to come.

A German shell strikes Rheims Cathedral, Sept. 19th, 1914.

- West of Verdun, XVI Corps launches the first part of Falkenhayn's two-pronged offensive on the flanks of the town's fortified zone.  Attacking south into the heavily-forested Argonne, XVI Corps uses overwhelming artillery fire targeted precisely on the French trenches.  Most of the French defenders are killed or scattered, and the German infantry methodically advance into the abandoned positions.

- General Hausen of 3rd Army retires today on the grounds of ill-health, replaced by General der Kavallerie von Einem, formerly of VII Corps.

- Army Detachment Gaede is formed at the far southern end of the Western Front, in the Vosges near the Swiss border.  It consists of only three Landwehr brigades under the command of General Hans Gaede, and covers what a quiet sector on the front, as its hilly and wooded terrain makes it particularly unsuitable for offensive operations.

- The first South African attack in German South-West Africa occurs today when Force C lands at Lüderitz on the coast.  They encounter no resistance, as the Germans, fearing the guns of the Royal Navy, have abandoned the town and retreated inland.  However, with three aircraft they are able to monitor the movements of the South African force.

- David Lloyd George, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, addresses a packed crowd this evening at Queen's Hall, London.  He has long had a reputation as a dazzling speaker, and brings his full oratorical powers to bear to justify British participation in the war.  Britain, Lloyd George argues, was honour-bound to come to the aid of Belgium through the guarantee of independence the British government had given almost a century ago.  This view of honour is contrasted with the action of Germany:

She [Germany] says treaties only bind you when it is to your interest to keep them.  'What is a treaty?' says the German Chancellor.  'A scrap of paper.' . . . Have you any of those neat Treasury 1 pound notes?  If you have, burn them; they are only 'scraps of paper.'  What are they made of?  Rags.  What are they worth?  The whole credit of the British Empire.

We are fighting against barbarism.  But there is only one way of putting it right.  If there are nations that say they will only respect treaties when it is to their interest to do so, we must make it to their interest to do so for the future.

Britain is not fighting to preserve the balance of power or the integrity of the Empire, says Lloyd George, but rather on behalf of the underdog, a much more appealing basis:

That is the story of the little nations.  The world owes much to little nations - and to little men.  This theory of bigness - you must have a big empire, and a big man - well, long legs have their advantage in a retreat.  Frederick the Great chose his warriors for their height, and that tradition has become a policy in Germany.  Germany applies that ideal to nations; she will only allow six-feet-two nations to stand in the ranks.  But all the world owes much to the little five feet high nations.  The greatest art of the world was the work of little nations.  The most enduring literature of the world came from little nations.  The greatest literature of England came from her when she was a nation of the size of Belgium fighting a great Empire.  The heroic deeds that thrill humanity through generations were the deeds of little nations fighting for their freedom.  Ah, yes, and the salvation of mankind came through a little nation.  God has chosen little nations as the vessels by which he carries the choicest wines to the lips of humanity, to rejoice their hearts, to exalt their vision, to stimulate and to strengthen their faith; and if we had stood by when two little nations were being crushed and broken by the brutal hands of barbarism our shame would have rung down the everlasting ages.

Lloyd George concludes by emphasizing the transformative effect he sees the war having on British society:

May I tell you, in a simple parable, what I think this war is doing for us?  I know a valley in North Wales, between the mountains and the sea - a beautiful valley, snug, comfortable, sheltered by the mountains from all the bitter blasts.  It was very enervating, and I remember how the boys were in the habit of climbing the hills above the village to have a glimpse of the great mountains in the distance and to be stimulated and freshened by the breezes which came from the hilltops, and by the great spectacle of that great valley.

We have been living in a sheltered valley for generations.  We have been too comfortable, too indulgent, many, perhaps, too selfish.  And the stern hand of fate has scourged us to an elevation where we can see the great everlasting things that matter for a nation; the great peaks of honour we had forgotten - duty and patriotism, clad in glittering white; the great pinnacle of sacrifice pointing like a rugged finger to Heaven.  We shall descend into the valleys again, but as long as the men and women of this generation last they will carry in their hearts the image of these great mountain peaks, whose foundations are unshaken though Europe rock and sway in the convulsions of a great war.

August 4th, 1914

- At 4am, Admiral Sir John Jellicoe receives orders from the Admiralty to take command of the Royal Navy's Grand Fleet as Commander-in-Chief.  The Grand Fleet is the strongest naval force in the world, consisting of dreadnoughts, battlecruisers, and supporting vessels, and is based at Scapa Flow in the Orkneys.  As its commander, Jellicoe's role is the most important in the Royal Navy.  The Grand Fleet is essential to the survival of Great Britain - should its ships be sunk, the Germans would be able to easily blockade the country and, since Britain must import food, force starvation and surrender within weeks.  Thus, as Churchill says of Jellicoe, he is 'the only man on either side who can lose the war in an afternoon.'  Jellicoe is acutely aware of the pressure and responsibilities of his role.  He sees it as his task not to destroy the German navy, but to preserve the Grand Fleet.  The status quo is satisfactory for Britain - merely by existing, the Grand Fleet is able to blockade Germany, as no German ships can possible sail through the Channel or out of the North Sea east of Scapa Flow without interception by the Royal Navy.  Thus Jellicoe does not seek battle with the Germans merely for the sake of battle, as he knows that victory in such a battle will not substantially change the status quo, but defeat can end the war.

- On the Western Front the great armies of France and Germany assemble.  Hundreds of thousands of soldiers, with their equipment and supplies, are brought like clockwork to the designated locations.  The German forces comprise seven armies (8th Army is forming in East Prussia), arranged north (1st Army) to south (7th Army).  It is 1st Army (General Alexander von Kluck) and 2nd Army (General Karl von Bülow) that carries the main burden of executing the Schlieffen Plan.  On the French side five armies assemble, arranged south (1st Army) to north (5th Army).  The first four armies are assigned the primary responsibility for executing Plan XVII, the French war plan, which prescribes an invasion of Germany.  The tiny Belgian army of six divisions assembles just east of Louvain.  For both the Germans and French, it will take several days until the process of mobilization is complete and the armies are ready to begin their advance.  For both countries, the initiation of hostilities will consist of a massive offensive - the Germans through Belgium, and the French through German-held Alsace and Lorraine.  Both also expect the successful execution of their war plans to bring about a rapid end to the war in victory.  Both sides, believing in the superiority of their arms and their cause, believe that none can stand before them, and that their enemies will be swept away.

French and German deployments on the Western Front at the start of the war.

- At 6am, the German ambassador delivers a note to the Belgian government, informing it that due to their rejection of the German proposals, the German army will take all necessary measures, including the use of force.  The Germans remain hopeful that the Belgians will not resist their invasion.  Moltke in Berlin believes that after a token resistance to satisfy honour, the Belgians will stand aside.  This is wishful thinking - nothing would suit the Germans more than for the Belgians not to resist, so that is what they expect will happen.  As with much that occurs in these first days of the war, they are incorrect.

- The first stage of the Schlieffen Plan is the capture and destruction of the large fortifications around the Belgian town of Liège.  Consisting of a dozen forts arranged in a circle around Liège on the Meuse Rivier, they are Belgium's primary defense against invasion from the East, and are widely considered to be near-impregnable.  For the Germans, Liège falls directly in the line of advance of 1st and 2nd Armies.  Due to a decision not to violate the neutrality of the Netherlands, there is no way around Liège, so the forts must be taken.

- The German invasion of Belgium begins just after 8am as German cavalry sweep forward to reconnoiter the Belgian countryside.  Behind them march six brigades under the command of General Otto von Emmich.  This task force has been specially-created to capture Liège as the rest of the German assembles.  Approaching their objective, they realize that the bridges on the Meuse north and south of the town have been blown.  When the Germans attempt to cross, they are surprised to come under heavy and sustained fire from Belgian defenders.  By nightfall a German detachment has succeeded in crossing the Meuse north of the town, but to the south the Germans have been halted, while in the centre the bulk of Emmich's force has closed up to the four easternmost forts.

The Liège forts and the initial German advance, Aug. 4th, 1914.

- The British government awaits confirmation of the German invasion of Belgium before issuing an ultimatum to Germany.  When the news arrived of German forces crossing the border near Liège, the Cabinet meets at 11am, and decide to issue an ultimatum, expiring at midnight Berlin time, requiring Germany to withdraw from Belgium, or Britain would declare war.  At 2pm Prime Minister Asquith makes his way to the House of Commons to announce the ultimatum.  The streets are thronged with bystanders, cheering every minister (and many they mistake for ministers) they see.

- That afternoon the British ambassador delivers the ultimatum to Chancellor Bethmann-Holweg directly.  The Chancellor is indignant at the British for entering the war over what he sees as the trivial matter of Belgian neutrality.  He berates the ambassador, and that all of the horrors of war to ensue will be the fault of the British, and 'all for just a word - "neutrality" - just for a scrap of paper.'  Little does Bethmann-Hollweg suspect that he has given Entente propagandists a coup - the phrase 'scrap of paper' will become infamous, and tar Germany's name around the world.

- In Berlin the deputies of the Reichstag hear an address by the Kaiser, who again emphasizes national solidarity in wartime - 'From this day on I recognize no parties but only Germans!'  At 3pm the deputies reconvene and after a speech by the Chancellor, assigning blame for the war solely on the Entente powers.  Afterwards the Reichstag unanimously approves the package of war credits to finance the war, including a short-term credit of 5 billion marks, the suspension of convertibility of bank notes to gold (to allow greater control over the amount of notes in circulation, as they no longer have to be tied to gold deposits) and the creation of special loan banks for the private sector, freeing the Reichsbank to focus on the financing of the war effort.  At the conclusion of business, the Reichstag votes itself out of session for four months, by which time it is generally expected that the war will be over.

- At a joint session of the Senate and Chamber in Paris this afternoon, an address by President Raymond Poincarè is read (the President is barred by law from appearing before the Chamber).  He concludes:

In the war which is beginning, France will have Right on her side, the eternal power of which cannot with impunity be disregarded by nations any more than by individuals.  She will be heroically defended by all her sons; nothing will break their sacred union before the enemy; today they are joined together as brothers in a common indignation against the aggressor, and in a common patriotic faith.  She is faithfully helped by Russia, her ally ; she is supported by the loyal friendship of Great Britain.  And already from every part of the civilised world sympathy and good wishes are coming to her. For today once again she stands before the universe for Liberty, Justice, and Reason.  Haut les coeurs et vive la France!

Just as elsewhere, the sacred union is a rallying cry for all Frenchmen to set aside the regular divisions of peacetime and join as one to defeat France's enemies.  It is a potent argument in the frenzied atmosphere of the first days of August - now comes the collision of such idealism with the realities of modern warfare.

- As the hours ticked down to the expiry of the British ultimatum to Germany, Prime Minister Asquith appoints Lord Kitchener to the post of Secretary of State for War.  The post had been vacant since March due to the resignation of the prior Secretary over the 'Curragh Mutiny', when some British officers refused orders they perceived would require them to suppress Ulster Unionists in the ongoing Irish crisis.  For the past several days Asquith has acted as Secretary of State for War, but a permanent appointment is obviously desirable.  The selection of Kitchener is a bold choice - he was the first serving officer to sit in the British Cabinet since 1660.  When the decision was made he was about to return to Egypt where he was serving as Consul-General - the order to return to London reaches him aboard a Channel steamer just as it was about to depart for the Continent.  Kitchener had not wanted the appointment - he was contemptuous of both War Office officials and politicians who thought they knew more about military operations than professionals - and the rest of the Cabinet was not enthusiastic about his presence.  What Kitchener brought to the appointment, however, outweighed the disadvantages.  He was arguably Britain's most famous soldier in 1914 - he had a long history of service throughout the Empire, including wars in the Sudan and South Africa.  His appointment lent instant gravitas to the Liberal government, giving it credibility in the management of military affairs that it would not otherwise have had.  It also sets the stage for epic clashes between civilian and military leadership of the war.

The face of Kitchener, with its distinctive moustache,
would be ubiquitous on recruiting posters throughout
Britain.

- In a statement to a private meeting of bankers and businessmen Lloyd George reassures them that it will be 'business as usual' regarding the economy - government intervention will be minimized, so there is no need for panic or hasty withdrawal of funds.  The slogan will become famous as a description of the British approach to the wartime economy in the early stages of the conflict, but right from the start some 'unusual' measures were being taken.  This day also sees the British government taking over the management of the nation's railways, to ensure efficient distribution of war material and food.  Railway owners were only the first to see how 'unusual' the economy could become in wartime.

- In the pre-dawn hours, two warships steam westwards from Sicily, lights out to prevent identification.  They are German - the modern battlecruiser Goeben and the light cruiser Breslau.  Assigned to the Mediterranean since 1912, the two warships comprise the entirety of Germany's naval presence in the area.  This morning they are sailing towards the Algerian coast, hoping to intercept French troopships carrying reinforcements from Algeria to metropolitan France.  At 235 am, the German commander, Rear Admiral Wilhelm Souchon, receives a telegram instructing him to sail to Constantinople, to reinforce the secret German-Ottoman treaty of August 2nd.  Almost at the Algerian coast, he continues westward until he reaches Philippeville, which he then subjected to a token bombardment.  Having made his appearance, he turns back eastwards - he intends to coal at Messina before continuing to Constantinople.

The presence of Souchon's warships is well-known to the Entente.  With the French fleet tied down escorting troopships, it is the Royal Navy that takes on the responsibility of tracking down and sinking Goeben and Breslau.  The British Mediterranean Fleet is superior to the German force, consisting of three battlecruisers, four old armoured cruisers, four modern light cruisers, and a flotilla of destroyers.  Two of the battlecruisers - Indefatigable and Indomitable - sailing westward sight Souchon's force approaching them just after 1030am.  Though war between the two countries now appears inevitable, it has formally not yet begun, so the German and British warships pass each other 8000 yards apart, all at battle stations but without training their guns on the other.  After, the two British battlecruisers swing around and follow Goeben and Breslau as they continue eastward.  The British hope to keep the Germans in sight until war is declared, when they can open fire.  Souchon, of course, wants to escape before this can happen, and he pushes his ships as fast as they can go.  Fortunately for Souchon, their fastest is just a bit faster than the British ships.  By 4pm, Goeben was slipping out of sight in the haze of the horizon.  By 730pm, all that could be seen was smoke in the distance, and by nightfall even that sign had disappeared.  The British ships are forced to call off the chase just before 10pm.  Goeben and Breslau have escaped, and none to soon - the British ultimatum to Germany expires in two hours.

- In the last minutes before the expiry of the ultimatum at 11pm London time, the British Cabinet meets at Downing Street, awaiting expiry or a last-minute telephone call.  Outside a massive crowd can be heard singing 'God Save the King'.  Suddenly the chimes of Big Ben sound, signalling 11pm.  When the last 'Boom!' echoes away, Great Britain is at war with Germany.

Crowds outside Buckingham Palace cheer the declaration of war against Germany.

August 3rd, 1914

- The Belgian Council of Ministers reconvenes at 230am to approve the reply to the German ultimatum, which states that they 'would sacrifice the honor of the nation and betray its duty to Europe' if it accepted the German demands, and declared that they would resist by force any violation of its frontiers.  At 7am, at the precise moment the ultimatum expires, the reply is delivered to the German ambassador.  That day excited crowds gather in Brussels as news of the act of defiance spreads.

The Kaiser makes one last appeal for Belgian neutrality in a personal telegram to King Albert, a distant cousin.  He argues that only the most extreme of circumstances had required the dispatch of the ultimatum, and that Germany continued to have 'the most friendly intentions' towards Belgium.  King Albert is not impressed - 'What does he take me for?" he exclaims.  Orders are given to detonate key bridges on the Belgian-German frontier.

- The Reichstag deputies of the Social Democratic Party (SPD) meet to decide their attitude towards the war.  Prior to the July Crisis, similar to socialists in other countries, the SPD had opposed war and sought to mobilize the working-class to prevent hostilities from commencing.  However, again as with socialists elsewhere, the speed of the July Crisis has overtaken any desire to avoid war.  Crucially, by August 3rd the issue is not war vs. peace, but whether the SPD will vote in favour of war credits in the Reichstag, essential to the mobilization of the German economy.  The SPD can also see this war in socialist terms - in their eyes, the SPD is the strongest socialist party in Europe, and the 'heart' of socialism is under attack by backward hordes from the East.  A vote among SPD deputies finds seventy-eight in favour of war credits to only fourteen against.  The discipline and solidarity of the SPD ensures that all deputies will endorse the majority view - the SPD vote will be unanimous in the Reichstag.

- The Italian government makes public today its declaration of neutrality in the European war, despite its alliance with Germany and Austria-Hungary, on the basis that the alliance is defensive only, and since it has been Austria-Hungary that has initiated hostilities, Italy is not required to intervene.

- This evening the German ambassador to France delivers a declaration of war to Premier Viviani.  It alleges that French airplanes have dropped bombs on German cities, and violated Belgian airspace.  The allegations are nonsense, as Viviani well knows.  Instead, they are meant for domestic consumption in Germany, to justify a declaration of war on a country that had no role to play in the original crisis that started the war.  The Premier denies the charges, and the ambassador departs for the last time.

- Today is a Bank Holiday in Britain, and the crisis brings thousands of people into the streets around Westminster and Trafalgar Square, eager to participate in the historic events.  The German ultimatum has transformed public opinion - whereas a massive anti-war rally had been planned for the capital on Sunday, it never occurs, and by today most in the crowds are calling for war with Germany.  A Cabinet meeting at 11am reflects this shifting opinion.  After much debate and deliberation, the Cabinet agrees that if Germany should invade Belgium and Belgium resist, Britain should declare war on Germany.  There are two further resignations submitted, but there is where the dissension stops.  The middle group of waverers, and especially David Lloyd George, are won over to the position of Grey on intervention.  Overall, the Liberal government has survived the crisis relatively intact - those who did resign were second-rank figures, and the public has swung around to support intervention as well.

At 3pm Grey addresses a full House of Commons on the crisis.  First emphasizing the lengths to which Britain had gone to avoid conflict, he now emphasized that the war was nothing less than an attempt by Germany to secure hegemony over the European continent, and that in line with British policy for centuries, such an attempt must be resisted.  After an hour and fifteen minutes, he sits to general applause.  As Grey later comments to Churchill, the next step will be to issue an ultimatum to Germany to withdraw from Belgium or face war with Britain.  At nightfall, Grey stands at his window in the Foreign Office, looking down at the lamps being lit in St. James' Park.  To a friend beside him, Grey remarks: 'The lamps are going out all over Europe.  We shall not see them lit again in our lifetime.'  Thus ended the age of European dominance, dead by its own hand.

August 1st, 1914

- At noon, the German ultimatum to Russia expires without a response.  The response of the German government follows through on the logic of 'mobilization means war', as given in the ultimatum, and instructs its ambassador to call on Foreign Minister Sazonov and deliver a declaration of war.  He does so at 710pm, and after a sharp exchange over honour, the German ambassador breaks down and weeps, his diplomatic efforts at an end.  Sazonov pats the ambassador on the shoulder and helps him on his way.

- Kaiser Wilhelm II signs the order for mobilization of the German army at 5pm, and the decision is made public shortly thereafter.  That afternoon the Kaiser appears at the balcony of the Royal Palace in Berlin, and briefly addresses the assembled crowd:

I thank all of you for the love and loyalty that you have shown me these past days. These were serious days, like seldom before. Should it now come to a battle, then there will be no more political parties. I, too, was attacked by the one or the other party. That was in peace. I forgive you now from the depths of my heart. I no longer recognize any parties or any confessions; today we are all German brothers and only German brothers. If our neighbors want it no other way, if our neighbors do not grant us peace, then I hope to God that our good German sword will see us through to victory in these difficult battles.

It was one of the first expressions of the common sentiment in the first days of the war, that the onset of war had erased all distinctions of class, race, religion, etc.  Each nation, it was believed, was now united by the crucible of war, each singularly devoted to surmounting the great challenge of the age.  How long such unity could last in the face of modern warfare remains to be seen.

Kaiser Wilhelm II speaks from the balcony of the Royal Palace in Berlin, Aug. 1st, 1914.

- At 11am, the German ambassador in Paris arrives at the French Foreign Office, requesting a reply to the German ultimatum of the previous day.  In his anxiety he is two hours early, though he knows the likely outcome of the meeting.  Premier René Viviani replies that 'France will act in accordance with her interests.'  To the ambassador, and indeed to the German government in Berlin, this is a clear statement that France will stand by its Russian ally.

Viviani had left a Cabinet meeting to meet with the German ambassador, and when he returns they decide to approve the formal request from Jospeh Joffre for mobilization of the French army.  At 4pm, mobilization is publicly announced, to begin the following day.

- In London the government remains divided.  In Cabinet Churchill and Grey are the leading advocates for British coming to the aid of the French, but they are faced by a solid phalanx of opponents, while a middle group, among whom was the Chancellor of the Exchequer, David Lloyd George, wavers.  When Churchill requests permission to mobilize the naval reserves, the Cabinet declines.  When Grey asks to implement the secret naval guarantees made to France in peacetime - namely, that the French fleet will concentrate in the Mediterranean while the Royal Navy protects the Channel - four ministers state they would resign rather than approve such a course.  The issue of Belgium comes to the fore - Britain is pledged by a treaty signed in 1839 to defend it.  A German invasion of Belgium might sway the wavers in the Cabinet - it is easier to justify war if it is seen as being on behalf of the small and defenceless, and the navy does not want to see its ports in German hands.  The conversation devolves into a discussion of what constitutes a 'violation' of Belgium neutrality.  Tracing a line on a map, Lloyd George suggests it would only be 'a little violation' if German forces merely cut through the southeast corner of Belgium, as opposed to invading the entirety.  The Cabinet meeting ends with no resignations, and no decisions.  Despite his own preferences, Grey tells the French ambassador that France must make its decision on war or peace without assuming that British aid will be forthcoming.  The French ambassador is despondent - to the editor of the Times, he remarks whether the word 'honour' has been striken from the English dictionary.

That evening Churchill is at the Admiralty, entertaining friends among the Opposition.  As they play cards, a message arrives that Germany has declared war on Russia.  He immediately leaves the Admiralty and crosses Horse Guards Parade to Downing Street, where he finds Prime Minister Asquith with Grey, the Lord Chancellor, and the Secretary of State for India.  Churchill told them he intended to order mobilization of the naval reserves, despite the Cabinet's decision of that afternoon.  Asquith says nothing, which Churchill takes as silent consent, and he departs to issue the orders.

- A day of dramatic developments conclude in Berlin.  Shortly after 5pm, a telegram arrives in Berlin from the German ambassador in London, reporting a conversation with Sir Edward Grey in which the latter pledged to guarantee the neutrality of France in a Russo-German war if Germany refrained from attacking France.  The statement is as a lifeline to a drowning man for the Kaiser.  He is desperate to avoid a two-front war, and the offer of Grey suggests that the war can be confined to the East, where German strength ought to overwhelm Russian numbers.  Moltke, the signed order for mobilization in hand, has left the palace in Potsdam, driving back to General Staff Headquarters in Berlin.  An aide to the Kaiser is instructed to race after Moltke, insisting on his return.  When Moltke arrives back at the palace, the Kaiser informs him of the offer from Grey, and states: 'Now we can go to war against Russia only.  We simply march the whole of our army to the East.'

Moltke could hardly have been more startled if the Kaiser had sprouted wings and flew out of the palace.  The German army in 1914 has exactly one war plan: the Schlieffen Plan.  Designed to ensure victory against the Franco-Russian alliance, it was created by General Alfred von Schlieffen, Chief of Staff of the German Army from 1891 to 1905.  Schlieffen, who died in 1913, had sought a way to avoid a prolonged war of attrition on two fronts, which Germany was likely to lose.  His solution rested on the nature of his enemies.  France was compact, like Germany, and could be expected to mobilize rapidly on the outbreak of war.  Russia was a vast landscape, and with fewer railroads it was expected that it would take them much longer to mobilize.  Schlieffen perceived that this Russian delay created a window of opportunity, in which Germany could attack France before Russia was prepared to invade from the East.  Thus the imperative was to force the surrender of France before Russia could attack.  Schlieffen understand that a frontal assault along the Franco-German border was unlikely to produce a decisive result, given the rough terrain and the numerous French fortifications.  The solution was as simple and elegant as it was profound - go around them.  Instead, of attack France directly, the bulk of the German army would be sent through Belgium, where little resistance was expected, and descend on France from the north.  As most of the French armies would be on the Franco-German frontier, there would be practically nothing stopped the German army from sweeping through France from the north and delivering the knockout blow.  The expectation was that Paris would fall and the decisive battle defeating the French army would occur within forty days of German mobilization.  Indeed, forty days was the time limit, as afterwards the Russians would be sufficiently prepared to invade Germany, and if the bulk of the German army was still in France, there would be little stopping the Russians from sweeping through eastern Germany to the gates of Berlin.  The plan was immensely intricate, with each German corps assigned particular roads for the march through Belgium into France.  A precise timeline required the strictest adherence in order to ensure victory within the forty day limit.  It was an immense gamble, one of the greatest in military history.  Success, and Germany would crush its enemies and ensure its dominance of Europe.  Failure, and Germany faced ruin and defeat.

The planned march of the German armies under the Schlieffen Plan.

These were the stakes when Moltke was confronted with the Kaiser's suggestion to only attack Russia.  Not only was it the German plan for war, it was the only plan for war.  While the General Staff had maintained a plan for a war against Russia only, they had stopped updating it in April 1913 and had discarded it entirely.  Thus for Moltke, the only way Germany can fight a war is to attack France first.  It didn't matter that France had nothing to do with the original dispute - the plan said to attack France, so France would be attacked.  To do anything else is simply impossible - Moltke has visions of the entire strategy for the war collapsing to pieces, units separated from each other, massive confusion on the railways, supplies delivered to the wrong places.  He begs the Kaiser to change his mind.  To change the plan for war at the last minute cannot be done - the schedules are too precise to allow for any deviation.  He argues, 'If Your Majesty insists on leading the whole army to the East it will not be an army ready for battle but a disorganized mob.'

The Kaiser is not used to hearing 'no'.  In reproach he tells Moltke bitterly 'Your uncle would have given me a different answer.'  The criticism shatters Moltke's confidence - he has lived his entire life in his uncle's shadow, and at the supreme moment of his career he is told he does not measure up.  He returns to the General Staff Headquarters and bursts into tears.

The first stage of the Schlieffen Plan is to seize tiny Luxembourg, whose railways would be essential to the invasions.  A detachment of the 16th Division is assigned to cross the border at 7pm.  The Kaiser personally sends the order to halt the move, still hoping to avoid war with France at the last moment.  The result is a farce.  One German column does not receive the order in time, and as per its instructions seizes the town of Ulflingen with its key railway connections at 7pm.  Thirty minutes later, another detachment arrives by automobile, instructing the first column to return to Germany.  Thus the first German invasion of the war ends in an attempt to pretend the whole thing was a mistake and never happened.  The Luxembourgers are not fooled - the Minister of State promptly informs the British and French of the invasion.

Later that evening, another telegram arrives from the German ambassador in London, stating that he had misunderstood the earlier conversation with Grey and that no offer of French neutrality was on the table.  The straw the Kaiser had clutched at disappears from his hand.  At 11pm Moltke is instructed to return to the palace.  The Kaiser greets his Chief of Staff with a military overcoat over his nightshirt, states bitterly, 'Now you can do what you like', and promptly returns to bed.  Moltke returns to General Staff Headquarters, to resume the implementation of the Schlieffen Plan, beginning with an order for the 're-invasion' of Luxembourg at midnight.  Germany thus enters the war with commander of its armed forces, the man tasked to ensure victory by the precise implementation of the only war plan Germany has, having had his self-confidence thoroughly crushed.